IN 


ALEXANDER  GOLDSTEIN 


x 


BRECKINRIDGE  AND  LANE  CAMPAIGN'  DOCUMENTS,  No. 


TO  BE  DECIDED  IN  NOVEMBER  NEXT! 

SHALL     THE 

CONSTITUTION  AND  THE  UNION 

STAND    OH     FALL, 

SHALL  SECTIONALISM  TRIUMPH? 
LINCOLN  AND  HIS  SUPPORTERS. 


BEHOLD  THE  RECORD! 

Ax  awful  responsibility  rests  upon  the  voters  of  this  country  !  A  great,  a  fearful,  a  VITAL 
ISSUE  is  to  be  decided  by  them  on  the  (ith  day  of  November  next  I  Through  the  ballot-box, 
before  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  Universe  (we  speak  most  reverently),  and  in  the  eyes  of 
the  civilized  world,  the  citizens  of  this  great  country  will  be  called  upon  to  decide  whether 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union  our  fathers  made  shall  stand  or  fall — whether  this  great 
Government,  the  freest  and  the  best  the  sun  of  Heaven  ever  shone  upon — shall  go  on  in  its 
high  career  of  prosperity  and  renown,  or  be  torn  asunder  by  civil  war !  Disguise  it  as  you 
may,  union  or  disunion  is  the  question  to  be  decided  in  November.  No  man  with  a  thimble- 
ful of  brains  in  his  head  can  fail  to  see  that  the  triumph  of  a  sectional  party,  whose  avowed 
object  is  to  war  upon  the  institutions  of  the  other  half  of  the  Confederacy,  leads  inevitably 
to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  Hence  it  was  that  the  Father  of  his  Country  warned  us  to 
beware  of  sectional  parties,  and  to  indignantly  frown  upon  the  first  attempt  to  alienate  one 
section  of  the  Union  from  the  other.  "  A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,"  holds 
true  in  the  political  as  well  as  the  religious  world.  This  war  of  one  section  upon  the  other 
section  can  have  but  one  end — the  disruption  of  the  Confederacy.  If  continued,  it  must 
lead  to  estrangement,  then  hatred,  then  open  and  violent  altercations,  and  then  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  bonds  that  bind  us  together  as  one  people.  How  happily  and  how  truly  did  the 
great  statesman  of  Kentucky,  HEXUY  CLAY,  express  this  idea  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  on 
the  7th  of  February,  1831)  :— 

"  Sir,  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  epenking  lightly  of  the  possibility  of  dissolving  this  happy  Union. 
;iate  know  that  I  have  deprecated  allusions,  on  ordinary  occasions,  to  that  direful  event. 
The  country  will  testify  that,  if  there  be  anything  in  the  history  of  my  public  career  worthy  of 
ion,  it  is  the  truth  and  sincerity  of  my  ardent  devotion  to  its  lasting  preservation.  But  we 
•hould  be  false  in  onr  allegiance  if  we  did  not  discriminate  between  the  imaginary  and  real  dangers 
bv  whieh  it  may  be  assailed.  Abolitionism  should  no  longer  be  regarded  as  an  imaginary  danger. 
The  abolitionists,  let  me  suppose,  succcrd  in  their  present  aim  of  uniting  the  inhabitants  of  the  fret 
•••.<,  <75  -n)!'  man,  dgf/jitst  the  inhabit  ants  of  the  slave  States.  Union  on  one  side  will  beget  Union  on 
i  fie  otfur,  mid  th  is  process  of  reciprocal  consolidation  vill  be  attended  with  all  the  violent  prejudice,  em- 
bittered passions,  a  nd  implacable  a  nimosities  which  ever  degraded  or  deformetl  h  nma  n  nature.  .  . 

•<  section  wilt  stand  in  menacing  and  hostile  array  against  the  other.  The  collision  of  opinion 
will  ht.  quickly  followed  by  the  clash  of  arms.  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe  scenes  which  now 
happily  lie  concealed  from  our  view.  Abolitionists  themselves  would  shrink  back  in  dismay  and 
horror  at  the  contemplation  of  desolated  fields,  conflagrated  cities,  murdered  inhabitants,  ami  the 
overthrow  of  tlie  fairest  fabric  of  human  government  that  ever  rote  to  animate  tiie  hopes  of  civilized 
man." 

How  sadly  true,  nay,  how  prophetic,  also,  are  these  words  of  Mr.  Clay.  The  triumph  of 
sectionalism  is  the  downfall  of  the  Republic.  To  preserve  the  Union  we  must  keep  the 
bond  our  fathers  made,  and  crush  out  and  exterminate  thU  hydra-headed  monster  of  aboli- 

M21490 


in 

~^^-^t_ 


tionism.  The  man  who  casts  his  vote  for  Lincoln,  in  that  act,  deliberately,  solemnly,  and 
knowingly,  votes  for  a  dissolution  of  the  American  Union  1  There  is  no  dodging  this  posi- 
tion. What  are  the  principles  of  that  sectional  party,  and  what  the  utterances  of  the  men 
who  formed,  lead,  and  control  it  ?  Behold  the  record  ! 

Before  proceeding  to  the  record,  however,  let  us  see  how,  in  the  speech  from  which  we 
have  already  quoted,  Mr.  Clay  sums  up  the  designs  of  the  abolitionists  : — 

"  And  the  third  class  are  the  real  ultra  abolitionists,  who  are  resolved  to  persevere  in  the  pursuit 
of  their  object  at  all  hazards.  With  this  class  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  the  prohibition  of  the  removal  of  slaves  from  State  to  State,  and  the  refusal  to  admit  any 
new  State  comprising  within  its  limits  the  institution  of  domestic  slavery,  are  but  so  many  meane 
conducing  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  ultimate  but  perilous  end  at  which  they  avowedly  and  boldly 
aim,  are  but  so  msmy  short  stages  in  the  long  and  bloody  road  to  the  distant  goal  at  which  they  would 
finally  arrive.  Their  purpose  is  abolition — universal  abolition  ;  peaceably  if  they  cai\^,  FORCIBLY  IP 

THEY  MUST." 

How  graphically  descriptive  of  the  Black-Republican  party  of  the  present  day !  The 
picture  is  true  to  life. 

LINCOLN  A*vTD  HIS  SUPPORTERS  Y&  FAYOR  OF  THE  HIDEOUS  DOCTRINE  OF  NEGRO  EQUALITY  I 

On  the  16th  of  October,  1854,  Abraham  Lincoln  delivered  a  speech  at  Peoria,  Illinois,  in 
which  he  used  the  following  language  : — 

"What  I  do  say  is,  that  no  man  is  good  enough  to  govern  another  man  without  the  other'1  s  consent, 
I  say  this  is  the  leading  principle,  the  SHEET  ANCHOR  of  American  Republicanism.  Our  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  says :  _, 

"  '  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident, — that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed 
by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights ;  that  among  these  are  life,  LIBERTY,  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  DERIVING 

THEIR  JUST  POWER  FROM  THE  CONSENT  OP  THE   GOVERNED.' 

"I  have  quoted  so  much  at  this  time  merely  to  show  that  according  to  our  ancient  faith,  th« 
powers  of  Government  are  derived  from  the  consent  of  the  governed.  Now,  the  relation  of  master 
and  slave  is,  pro  tanto,  a  total  violation  of  this  principle.  The  master  not  only  governs  the  slaw 
without  his  consent,  but  he  governs  him  by  a  set  of  rules  altogether  different  from  those  which  ha 
prescribes  for  himself.  Allow  ALL  the  governed  an' EQUAL  VOICE  IN  THE  GOVERNMENT; 
and  that,  and  that  only,  is  self-government." — Howell's  Life  of  Lincoln,  page  279. 

Again,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  Chicago,  during  the  last  presidential  election,  which  we 
find  published  in  the  Illinois  State  Journal,  the  State  organ  of  the  Black  Republican  party 
of  Illinois,  on  the  16th  of  September,  1856,  Mr.  Lincoln  said: 

"  That  central  idea,  in  our  political  opinion,  at  the  beginning  was,  and  until  recently  continued  to 
be,  the  equality  of  men.  And,  although  it  was  always  submitted  patiently  to  whatever  inequality 
there  seemed  to  be  as  a  matter  of  actual  necessity,  its  constant  working  has  been  a  steady  progress 
toward  the  PRACTICAL  EQUALITY  OF  ALL  MEN. 

"Let  past  differences  as  nothing  be  ;  and,  with  steady  eye  on  the  real  issue,  let  us  re-inaugurate 
the  good  old  central  ideas  of  the  Republic.  We  can  do  it.  The  human  heart  is  with  us  ;  God  is 
with  us.  We  shall  again  be  able  not  to  declare  that  all  the  States,  as  States,  are  equal,  nor  yot  that 
aril  citizens,  as  citizens,  are  equal,  but  renew  the  broader,  better  declaration,  including  both  thes« 
and  much  more,  that  all  men  are  created  equal." 

Yet  again,  in  his  speech  at  Chicago,  on  the  10th  of  July,  1858,  Mr.  Lincoln  said  : 

"  I  should  like  to  know  if,  taking  the  old  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  declares  that  all 
men  are  equal  upon  principle,  and  making  exceptions  to  it,  where  will  it  stop  ?  IF  ONE  MAN  SAYS 

IT  DOES    NOT  MEAN  A  NEGRO,  WHY  NOT  ANOTHER    SAY    IT    DOES    NOT    MEAN    SOME    OTHER    MAN?       If 

that  declaration  is  not  the  truth,  let  us  get  the  statute  book  in  which  we  find  it  and  tear  it  out.  Who 
is  so  bold  as  to  do  it?  If  it  is  not  true,  let  us  tear  it  out !  [Cries  of  "  No,  no  !"]  Let  us  stick  to 
it,  then,  let  us  stand  firmly  by  it,  then.  *  *•  *  #  Let  us  discard  all  this  quibbling  about  this 
man  and  the  other  man — this  race  and  that  race  and  the  other  race  being  inferior,  and  therefore  they 
must  be  placed  in  an  inferior  position — discarding  the  standard  that  we  have  left  us.  Let  us  discard 
all  these  things,  and  unite  as  one  people  throughout  this  land  until  we  shall  once  more  stand  up 
•declaring  that  ALL  MEN  are  created  equal.  •****!  leave  you,  hoping  that  the  lamp  of  lib- 
erty will  burn  in  your  bosoms  UNTIL  THERE  SHALL  NO  LONGER  BE  A  DOUBT  THAT  ALL  MEN  ARE 

CREATED  FREE  AND  EQUAL." 

See  the  volume  of  the  debates  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  which  have  been  revised  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  since  his  nomination  for  the  presidency,  pages  23,  24.  Salmon  P.  Chase,  twice 
elected  Governor  of  Ohio,  and  elected  last  winter  United  States  Senator  from  that  State,  by 
the  Black  Republican  party,  was  presented  with  a  silver  pitcher  by  the  negroes  of  Cincinnati 
on  the  6th  of  May,  1845.  In  response  to  the  presentation,  he  said : 


f  *»    , 


3 

"  In  what  I  have  done  I  cannot  claim  to  have  acted  from  any  peculiar  consideration  of  the  colored 
people  as  a  separate  and  distinct  class  in  the  community,  but  from  the  simple  conviction  that  all  the 
individuals  of  that  cla^s  are  m<-;;i!>. -rs  of  the  community,  and,  in  virtue  of  their  manhood,  entitled 
to  EVERY  ORIGINAL  RIGHT  ENJOYED  BY  ANY  OTHER  MEMBER.  We  feel,  therefore,  that 
all  LEGAL  DISTINCTION  between  individuals  of  the  same  community,  founded  in  any  such  cir- 
cumstances as  color,  origin,  and  the  like,  are  hostile  to  the  genius  of  our  institutions,  and  incompati- 
ble with  the  true  theory  of  American  liberty.  SLAVERY  and  oppression  must  CEASE,  or  American 
liberty  must  perish. 

"  In  Massachusetts,  and  in  most,  if  not  all,  the  New  England  States,  the  colored  man  and  the 
white  are  absolutely  equal  before  the  law. 

"In  New  York  the  colored  man  is  restricted  as  to  the  right  of  suffrage  by  a  property  qualification. 
In  other  respects  the  same  equality  prevails. 

"I  embrace  with  pleasure  this  opportunity  of  declaring  MY  DISAPPROBATION  of  that  clause 
of  the  Constitution  which  denies  to  a  portion  of  the  colored  people  the  right  of  sujfiage. 

"  True  Democracy  makes  no  inquiry  about  tJie  color  of  tlte  skin  or  place  of  nativity,  or  any  other 
similar  circumstance  of  condition.  I  regard  therefore  the  EXCLUSIOX  of  the  colored  people  as  a  body 
from  the  tlcctivc  franchise  as  INCOMPATIBLE  with  true  Democratic,  principles •." 

The  Hon.  Henry  Wilson,  United  States  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  in  a  speech  delivered 
in  the  Senate  on  the  5th  of  May,  1858,  said : 

"  Now,  Mr.  President,  I  live  in  a  Commonwealth  that  recognizes  the  ABSOLUTE  AND  PERFECT 
EQUALITY  of  all  men  of  all  races.  A  mulatto  or  negro  in  the  State  I  represent  is  not  only  a  citizen, 
of  the  State ;  he  not  only  has  the  right  to  vote,  but,  if  the  people  choose  to  do  it,  they  may  elect 
him  to  any  office  in  their  gift." — Cong.  Globe,  1st  sess.  35th  Cong.,  page  19G6. 

In  1856,  Senator  Wilson  said  : 

"  Sir,  I  am  proud  to  live  in  a  Comwonwealth  where  every  man,  black  or  white,  of  every  clime  and 
race,  is  recognized  as  a  man,  standing  upon  the  terms  of  PERFECT  AND  ABSOLUTE  EQUALITY  before 
the  laws."— App.  Cong.  Globe,  1st  Sess.  34th  Cong.,  page  393. 

Senator  Wilson  made  a  mistake  when  he  stated  that  there  was  perfect  equality  in  Massa- 
chusetts. Such  is  not  the  case.  By  the  laws  of  that  State,  a  foreigner  cannot  vote  in  it  for 
two  years  after  he  has  been  naturalized  and  a  citizen  of  the  State,  while  a  negro,  under  the 
same  law,  acquires  a  vote  in  one  year ! 

On  a  former  occasion  (page  1964)  Mr^Fessenden,  the  Black  Republican  Senator  from 
Maine,  held  forth  in  this  wise: 

"By  the  laws  of  Maine,  and  under  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Maine,  free  negroes  are  citi- 
zens— -just  as  much  citizens  in  t/te  State  of  Maine  as  white  men.  It  has  been  BO  solemnly  decided 
by  the  highest  tribunal  of  our  State  since  the  decision  of  the  Drcd  Scott  case,  T/te  Supreme  Court 
of  Maine  has  decided  that  they  are  entitled  to  all  tlie  privi  eges — that  tJiey  stand  -upon  a  PERFECT 
EQUALITY*  with  white  men — under  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  that  State.  They  are  voters,  and 
recognized  as  citizens  under  the  terms  of  the  Constitution,  which  allows  any  citizen  to  vote." 

Here  we  have  the  Black  Republican  Supreme  Court  of  Maine  actually  nullifying  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  ;  so  intense  in  their  love  for  the  negro ! 
Ti  this  not  enough  to  startle  and  alarm  every  lover  of  his  country  ? 

Now  listen  to  Cassius  M.  Clay,  who  was  the  chief  competitor  against  Hamlin  for  the  nomi- 
nation for  the  Vice-Presidency  in  the  Chicago  convention : 

' '  Our  legislatures,  State  and  Federal,  should  raise  the  platform  upon  which  our  free  colored  people 
stand  ;  they  should  give  to  them  full  political  rights  to  hold  office,  to  vote,  to  sit  on  juries,  to  give 
tltdr  testimony,  and  to  make  no  distinction  between  them  and  ourselves.  The  instrument  called  tho 
Constitution,  after  pronouncing  all  men  equal,  and  having  equal  right?,  .suffers  slavery  to  exist,  a 
free  colored  person  to  be  denied  all  political  rights,  and  after  declaring  that  all  persons  shall  enjoy  a 
free  intercourse  with  the  States,  suffers  the  free  negro  to  be  driven  out  of  all,  and  excluded  from 
such  rights.  Deliver  me  from  suth  an  instrument  thus  partial,  thus  unjust,  that  can  be  thus  per- 
verted, and  made  to  sanction  prejudices  and  party  feelings,  and  note  tho  accidental  distinction  of 
color." 

This  Black  Republican  maniac  raves  at  the  Constitution  because  it  does  not  guaranty  the 
equality  of  the  negro  with  the  white  man  ! 

Now,  let  us  hear  from  Horace  Greeley,  '-'the  chief  cook  and  bottle-washer"  in  the  Chicago 
convention,  whose  efforts  there  brought  about  the  nomination  of  Lincoln.  As  far  back  as 
the  17th  of  January,  1851,  Greeley  thus  spoke  in  his  Tribune:  J. 

"  We  loathe  and  detest  all  laws  which  give  or  withhold  political  rights  on  account  of  color.  *  A 
man's  a  man  for  a'  that,'  and  ought  to  have  the  full  rights  of  manhood,  whether  his  ancestors  were 
Celts,  Goths,  or  Hottentots,  whether  his  complexion  be  ebony  or  ivory.  *  *  *  * 

All  constitutional  exclusions  of  any  class  from  the  polls,  the  jury-box,  Ac.,  because  of  color,  are 
aristocratic,  unjust,  and  infamous. 

Agaia,  in  1855,  we  see  him  proposing  and  urging  the  nomination  for  Congress  of  that 
notorious  negro,  Fred.  Douglass.  Just  listen  to  him : 


"  Among  the  candidates  put  up  by  the  convention  of  the  liberty  party  at  Utica,  on  Wednesday, 
13  Mr.  Frederick  Douglass,  of  Monroe  county,  who  is  nominated  for  the  office  of  Secretary  of  States 
"YV'iih  respect  to  ability,  a  better  nominatou  could  haidty  be  desired ;  but  we  confess  that  we  should 
regret  to  see  Mr.  Douglass  elected.  His  proper  place  is  not  a  member  of  the  State  administration  at 
Albany,  but  as  a  member  of  Congress  at  Washington..  For  the  former  office  he  possesses  no  qualifi- 
cations that  might  not  be  found  in  other  gentlemen,  while  for  the  duties  of  a  representative  at  Wash- 
ington he,  is  particularly  gifted.  As  an  orator  and  debater  he  possesses  both  the  force  and  the 
grace  of  a  Virginia  gentleman  of  the  old  school  and  one  of  the  first  families,  to  which  a  great  depth 
of  conviction  and  a  resolution  worthy  of  the  best  days  of  the  Republic,  add  a  persuasive  and  mag- 
netic charm  not  often  felt  in  the  Federal  Capitol.  We  trust,  then,  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Douglass 
will  not  persist  in  urging  his  election  to  the  office  for  which  he  is  nominated,  but  will  make  every 
preparation  to  return  him  to  Congress  on  the  very  first  vacancy  in  t/te  Monroe  district." 

In  the  Tribune  of  Sept.  17th,  18GO,  Greely  thus  speaks  in  regard  to  the  right  of  the  negro 
to  vote : 

"Understand  clearly  that  the  question  of  allowing  or  forbidding  Negroes  to  vote  in  our  State  is 
wot  before  the  people.  Let  the  result  this  Tall  be  as  it  may,  Negroes  will  continue  to  be  voters  in 
our  State.  The.  simple  question  to  be  decided  by  the  people  is — Shall  a  very  inconsiderable  fraction 
of  onr  people  continue  to  be  deprived  of  the  Right  of  Suffrage  for  want  of  $250  worth  of  dirt !  If 
no,  on  what  principle  ?  Their  black  skins  do  not  in  any  event  disfranchise  them  :  S/iall  their 
poverty  do  so?1' 

Now,  hear  the  old  apostle  of  Black  Republicanism,  Joshua  B.  Giddings.  In  his  speech 
in  the  House,  December  18,  1855,  Mr.  Giddings  said : 

"  This  Government  was  founded  for  the  purpose,  design,  and  end  of  'securing  all  men  under  its 
jurisdiction  in  the  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty,  and  happiness.'  It  is  now  placed  in  our  hands.  On 
this  rock  the  Republican  church  was  founded,  and  I  speak  reverently  when  I  say  '  the  gates  of  hell 
shall  not  prevail  against  it.'  *  *  When  we  iay  'all  men  are  thus  endowed,'  we  mean 
what  we  say.  We  do  not  refer  particularly  to  the  high  or  the  low,  the  rich  or  the  poor,  the  negro, 
the  mulatto,  or  the  wh:tc,  but  all  men  who  bear  the  imago  of  God  and  are  endowed  with  certain 
inalienable  rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness." 

When  questioned  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  Hon.  N.  P.  Banks,  afterwards 
elected  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  by  the  Black  Republicans, 
declared  his  inability  to  decide  whether  the  white  or  the  black  was  the  superior  race,  bufc 
leave  the  question  to  be  decided  by  absorption  or  amalgamation  /  He  said  : 

"So  far  as  he  had  studied  the  subject  of  races,  he  had  adopted  the  idea  that  when  there  is  a 
weaker  race  in  existence,  it  will  succumb  to,  and  be  absorbed  in,  the  stronger  race.  This  was  the 
universal  law  as  regarded  the  races  of  men  in  the  world.  In  regard  to  the  question,  whether  the 
white  or  the  black  race  was  superior,  he  proposed  to  wait  until  time  should  develop  whether  the  white 
race  should  absorb  the  black,  or  THE  BLACK  ABSORB  THE  WHITE." 

In  this  country  the  doctrine  of  negro  equality  presents  itself  in  a  twofold  aspect.  To  the 
people  of  the  North  it  says:  "You  must  strike  down  all  laws  which  erect  a  barrier  between 
you  and  the  black  man ;  he  is  your  equal,  entitled  to  vote,  hold  office,  sit  at  the  same  table 
with  you,  and  marry  your  daughters.  You  must  give  him  the  same  political  and  social 
rights  you  enjoy,  for  he  is  your  equal  and  entitled  to  them !"  Are  the  people  of  the  North 
prepared  for  this?  If  yea,  vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln  ;  he  is  committed  to  the  odious  doc- 
trine. 

.To  the  people  of  the  South  negro  equality  says:  "You  must  free  your  negroes  and  give 
them  all  the  rights  you  now  enjoy,  for  they  are  your  equals  and  entitled  to  their  freedom 
and  the  political  and  social  privileges  enjoyed  by  you."  Negro  equality  means  the  abolition 
of  slavery;  it  can  have  no  other  meaning.  If  the  Republican  leaders  are  sincere  in  their 
opinions  that  the  negro  is  entitled  to  his  freedom,  as  honest  men,  when  they  get  the  power, 
they  will  «etrive  to  give  him  that  freedom.  If  they  are  sincere  in  their  opinions  that  the 
negro  is  entitled  to  social  and  political  equality  with  the  white  man,  as  honest  men,  when 
they  are  installed  in  power,  they  will  strive  to  give  him  that  equality. 

In  regard  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  giving  any  color  to  this  hideous  doctrine  of 
negro  equality,  it  is  a  sufficient  answer  to  say  that  when  it  was  drafted  every  State  in  this 
Union  but  one  were  slaveholding  States  ;  and  it  is  arrant  humbug  to  say  that  these  States 
would  have  thus  made  a  declaration  amounting  to  a  virtual  emancipation  of  their  slaves. 
Indeed,  lest  this  idea  should  receive  any  countenance,  the  word  u  free,"  which  was  in  the 
original  draft  of  the  Declaration,  was  stricken  out.  The  "all  men"  in  it  is  of  a  piece  with 
"  We,  the  people,"  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  refers  alone  to  white  men. 
Nobody  contends  that  the  Constitution  gives  the  black  "people"  the  right  of  suffrage,  of 
holding  office,  and  of  social  and  political  equality.  No  more  does  the  "  all  men"  in  the 
Declaration  give  them  these  privileges.  This  is  essentially  a  government  of  white  men, 
made  for  white  men,  and  ruled  by  white  men,  all  of  whom  are  '•'  equal." 


LINCOLN*   AND    HIS    SUPPORTERS    IN    FAVOR    OF    THE    "IRREPRESSIBLE    CONFLICT!* 

"We  believe  Mr.  Lincoln  claims  to  be  the  author  of  the  ''  irrepressible  conflict"  idea.  At 
least,  we  find  him  giving  it  utterance  in  his  speech  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  on  the  17th  of 
June,  1S~>8.  We  quote  from  the  volume  of  debates  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  page  1. 
Mr.  Lincoln  said 

"We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  was  initiated  with  the  avowed  object  and  confi- 
dent promise  of  patting  an  end  to  slavery  agitation.  Under  ihe  operation  of  that  policy,  that  agita- 
tion has  not  only  not  ceased,  but  has  constantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion,  it  will  not  cease  until 
a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and  passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  staiul."1  I  In  /teuc 
this  Government  CANNOT  ENDURE  PERMANENTLY  Italf  slave  and  lialf  free.  I  do  not  expect  tk« 
Union  to  be,  dissolved;  I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall ;  but  I  do  expect  it  will  CEASE  TO  BE 

DIVIDED.  IT  WILL  BECOME  ALL  ONE  THING  OR  ALL  THE  OTHER.  Eitllfir  the  opponents  of  slacery 
will  ARREST  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  reft  in  the  belief  t/iat 
it  is  in  the  course  of  ULTIMATE  EXTINCTION,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall 
become  alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South." 

How  little  this  man  understands  the  true  theory  of  our  Government — the  theory  that 
established  State  governments  to  make  laws  to  meet  the  exigencies,  condition,  climate, 
soil,  &c.,  of  each  State,  and  to  regulate  their  own  affairs  in  their  own  way.  There  is  no 
division  of  the  house  against  itself  in  the  Constitution  ;  it  exists  only  in  the  efforts  of  such 
fanatics  as  Abraham  Lincoln  to  create  strife,  stir  up  discords,  set  brother  against  brother, 
and  father  against  son,  in  our  great  and  happy  household  of  confederated  States. 

Four  months  after  Mr  Lincoln's  speech  we  find  the  Hon.  Wm.  H.  Seward,  the  great 
leader  of  the  Black  Republican  party,  expressing  the  same  idea  ia  his  speech  at  Rochester, 

"  Thus,  these  antagonistic  systems  are  continually  coming  into  closer  contact,  and  collision  results. 
Shall  I  tell  you  what  this  collision  means?  They  who  think  it  is  accidental,  unnecessary,  the  work 
of  interested  fanatical  agitators,  and  therefore  ephemeral,  mistake  the  case  altogether.  It  is  ait. 
IRREPRESSIBLE  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  OPPOSING  AND  ENDURING  FORCES,  and  it  means  that  the 
United  States  MUST  AND  WILL,  sooner  or  later,  become  entirely  a  shareholding  nation  or  entirely  a 
free-labor  nation.  Either  the  cotton  and  rice  fields  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  sugar  plantations  of 
Louisiana,  will  ultimately  be  tilled  by  free  labor,  and  Charleston  and  New  Orleans  become  marts  for 
legitimate  merchandise  alone,  or  else  the  rye  fields  and  wheat  fields  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York 
must  again  be  surrendered  by  their  farmers  to  slave  culture  and  to  the  production  of  slaves,  and 
Boston  and  New  York  become  once  more  a  market  for  trade  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men.  It  is 
the  failure  to  apprehend  this  great  truth  that  induces  so  many  unsuccessful  attempts  at  final  com- 
promise between  the  slave  and  free  States,  and  it  is  the  existence  of  this  great  fact  that  renders  all 
such  pretended  compromise,  when  made,  VAIN  AND  EPHEMERAL." 

Gov.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  is  another  advocate  of  the  "  irrepressible  conflict."  A  few  days  ago, 
at  Pontiac,  Michigan,  he  thus  stated  the  issue,  or  rather  his  conception  of  the  issue  between 
the  parties  : 

"I  ask  you  to  take  sides  and  decide  where  you  will  be.  '  If  the  Lord  be  God,  then  serve  him; 
but  if  Baal,  then  serve  him.'  If  slavery  is  right;  if  capital  ought  to  own  labor  ;  then  go  for  the 
doctrine  openly.  If  you  believe  that  freedom  is  the  right  of  man,  then  join  the  party  which  has  in 
scribed  on  the  folds  of  its  banner,  '  FREEDOM  THROUGHOUT  THE  COUNTRY'S  WIDE  DOMAIN.'" 

It  may  be  well  to  add  that  we  know  of  no  party,  save  the  black  Republicans,  that  con- 
tends for  this  issue.  The  Democratic  party  is  fighting  for  the  constitutional  rights  of  aU 
sections — for  the  Constitution  as  it  is,  and  for  the  Union  as  it  is.  They  have  nothing  to  do 
with  slavery  or  anti-slavery.  They  do  not  proclaim  "  Slavery  throughout  the  country's  wide 
domain,"  nor  do  they  proclaim  "  Freedom  throughout  the  country's  wide  domain,"  for  the 
simple  reason  that  the  Constitution  leaves  that  question  to  be  settled  and  decided  by  the 
people  of  each  State,  and  each  Territory  when  they  come  to  form  a  State  constitution  pre- 
paratory to  their  admission  into  the  Union,  for  themselves.  Governor  Chase  would  break 
down  and  trample  under  foot  this  solemn  and  salutary  obligation  of  the  Constitution,  for  in 
no  other  way  could  his  party  unfurl  the  banner  of  u  Freedom  throughout  the  country's  wide 
domain.'' 

Hon.  George  W.  Julian,  once  a  member  of  Congress  from  Indiana,  ana  at  this  time  the 
Republican  candidate  for  Congress  in  the  banner  black  Republican  district  in  that  State,  at 
"a  Fremont  meeting  in  Greenville,  Darke  County,  Ohio,  on  the  10th  of  September,  1856, 
thus  delivered  himself: 

"  It  is  no  use  to  deny  it  any  longer.  Our  Republican  party  ts  a  sectional  party,  because  the  South 
has  forced  us  into  it.  The  stumpers  of  this  old-line,  horse-stealing  democracy,  not  having  the  fear, 
of  God  before  their  eyes,  charge  us  with  being  sectional.  I  tell  you  we  are  a  sectional  party.  It  is 


6 

not  alone  a  fight  between  the  North  and  the  South.     It  is  a  fight  between  freedom,  and  slavery — 
between  God  and  the  devil — between  Heaven  and  /tell.1' 

On  the  16th  of  January,  1855,  the  Rev.  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  the  pet  of  the  blac-k  Re- 
publicans of  Brooklyn,  New  York,  in  a  lecture  iu  New  York  City,  on  the  subject  of  catting 
the  North  from  the  South,  said : 

44  All  attempts  at  evasion,  at  adjourning,  at  concealing  and  compromising,  are  in  vain.  The  rea- 
son of  our  long  agitation  is,  not  that  restless  abolitionists  are  abroad,  that  ministers  will  meddle  with 
improper  themes,  that  parties  are  disregardful  of  their  country's  interest.  These  are  sympptoms  only, 
not  the  disease  ;  the  effects,  not  the  causes. 

"  Ttvo  g>-eat  powers  that  will  not  live  together  are  in  our  midst,  and  tuggijig  at  each  other1* 
throats.  They  will  search  each  other  out,  though  you  separate  them  a  hundred  times.  And  if  by 
an  insane  blindness  you  shall  contrive  to  put  off  the  issue,  and  send  this  unsettled  dispute  down  to 
your  children,  it  will  go  down,  gathering  volume  and  strength  at  every  step,  to  waste  and  desolate 
their  heritage.  Let  it  be  settled  now.  Clear  the  place..  Bring  in  the  champions.  Let  them  put 
their  lances  in  rest  for  t/ie,  charge.  Sound  the  trumpet ;  and  God  save  the  right  .'^ 

In  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  June  4,  1860,  Mr.  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  tkus  reiterates 
the  "  irrepressible  conflict"  doctrine  : 

"  Senators  sometimes  announce  that  they  resist  slavery  on  political  grounds  only,  and  remind  us 
that  they  say  nothing  of  the  moral  question.  This  is  wrong.  Slavery  must  be  resisted  not  only  on 
political  grounds,  but  on  all  other  grounds,  whether  social,  economical,  or  moral.  Ours  is  no  holiday 
contest ;  nor  is  it  any  strife  of  rival  factions  ;  of  White  and  Red  roses  ;  of  theatric  Nevi  and  Bianchi; 
but  it  is  a  solemn  battle- between  Right  and  Wrong — between  Good  and  Evil." 

Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  in  a  speech  in.  the  House  of  Representatives,  May  16,  1854, 
said  : 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  it  has  become  obvious  to  all  that  these  conflicting  institutions  of  freedom  and 
slavery  cannot  flourish  together  under  the  same  Government.  They  can  never  be  reconciled.  They 
ever  have  been,  they  are  now,  and  ever  will  be,  at  war  with  each  other.  Virtue  and  crime  will  not 
commingle  ;  Heaven  and  hell  cannot  be  at  peace." 

The  Rev.  Edmund  H.  Sears  is  an  ardent  Black  Republican.  He  preached  a  sermon  on 
the  15th  of  June,  1856,  for  the  cause,  which  was  afterwards  published  as  a  Republican 
campaign  document.  From  that  sermon,  thus  indorsed,  we  quote : 

11  There  is  no  peace  for  the  country,  no  safety  for  Northern  institutions,  UNTIL  SLAVERY 
IS  DISLODGED  front  the  national  organism]  until  the  Government  of  the  country  is  wielded 
for  liberty,  righteousness,  and  civilization,  and  not  for  oppression,  unrighteousness  and  barbarism." 

The  Hon.  John  Wentworth,  an  ex-member  of  Congress  from  Illinois,  and  at  present  the 
Black  Republican  mayor  of  Chicago,  in  an  article  in  his  paper,  the  Chicago  Democrat, 
glorifying  over  Frank  Blair's  election  in  St.  Louis,  says: 

"While  the  great  doctrine  of  tlie  duty  of  the  FEDERAL  GOVERNMENT  to  make  the  < STATES 
ALL  FREE'  thus  receives  indorsement  in  a  slaveholding  .State,  shall  the  Republicans  of  the 
free  States  lower  their  standard  of  principle9 

"  The  day  of  compromising,  half-way  measures  has  gone  by.  The  year  of  jubilee  has  come. 
Already  is  the  child  born  who  shall  live  to  see  the  last  shackle  fall  from  the  limbs  q/  the  slave  an  this 
continent.  UNIVERSAL  EMANCIPATION  is  NEAR  AT  HAND.  The  Republicans  have  thrown 
their  banners  to  the  breeze,  inscribed  with  Lincoln's  glorious  words,  '  THE  STATES  MUST  BE  SIADB 
ALL  FREE,'  and  under  it  will  march  on  to  victory  after  victory,  conquering  and  to  conquer." 

This  doctrine  also  leads  to  the  "  long  and  bloody  road  "  of  abolition.  If,  indeed,  there 
be  an  ''  irrepressible  conflict"  between  slavery  and  freedom ;  if,  indeed,  this  be  the  issue  in 
conflict;  if,  indeed,  the  one  or  the  other  must  triumph  and  the  other  be  crushed  out,  then, 
as  a  matter  of  self  defence,  those  so  believing,  whenever  they  get  into  power,  will  wield  all 
that  power  to  crush  out  and  trample  under  foot  the  slave  States  of  this  Union,  and  to  eman- 
cipate their  slaves.  This  is  the  doctrine  of  the  "  irrepressible  conflict,"  so  loudly  defended 
and  advocated  by  Lincoln,  Seward,  and  the  Black  Republican  party.  Are  the  people  of  this 
country  prepared  for  this?  Men  of  the  North,  are  you  willing  to  engage  in  this  crusade 
against  your  Southern  brethern  ;  to  drench  this  land  in  all  the  horrors  of  civil  war;  to  cut 
the  throats  of  Southern  men,  "  bone  of  your  bone  and  flesh  of  your  flesh  ?"  If  yea,  vote 
for  Abraham  Lincoln  1 

THE  DISREGARD  OP  THE  BLACK  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  FOR  LAW  !   THEY  SPIT  UPON  THE  CONSTI- 
TUTION AND  THE  DECISIONS  OF  THE  SUPREME  COURT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  I 

It  has  been  well  and  truly  said  that  {<  the  law  is  the  concentrated  majesty  of  the  voice  of 
the  people."  He  who  violates  a  law,  therefore,  not  only  insults,  but  commits  an  offence 


against  the  people.  In  this  Government,  especially,  are  we  called  upon  to  yield  obedience 
to  the  laws  In  no  other  way  can  the  Republic  exist.  We  have  a  written  Constitution 
which  our  fathers  made  ami  which  we  must  observe,  if  we  expect  to  preserve  our  liberty, 
our  independence,  and  our  Union.  That  Constitution  says  : 

"  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into 
another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such 
service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or 
labor  may  be  due." 

Under  this  provision,  the  Congress  of  1793  passed,  and  Gen.  Washington  approved,  a  bill 
for  the  rendition  of  fugitive  slaves.  In  1850,  Congress  amended  this  bill  in  some  slight  par- 
ticulars, not  altering  its  main  features,  or  violating  the  principle  of  the  Act  of  17(J3.  The 
man  who  refuses  to  yield  obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  this  law,  as  well  as  other  laws 
made  under  its  authority,  is  an  enemy  to  his  country. 

The  Constitution  also  established  the  Supreme  Court  as  the  court  of  last  resort,  to  inter- 
pret the  laws  of  the  land,  and  makes  its  decision  obligatory  upon  every  citizen.  He  who, 
therefore,  refuses  to  obey  its  decisions,  is  an  enemy  to  his  country.  This  matter  cannot  bo 
dodged  or  evaded.  Inculcate  in  the  minds  of  the  people  a  disrespect  and  contempt  for  the 
laws  and  decisions  of  the  courts,  and  our  Government  is  destroyed,  and  might  take  the  place 
of  right.  Strike  down  the  bulwarks  of  the  laws  and  the  courts,  and  where  is  the  security 
for  life  and  property?  By  what  title,  then,  would  the  farmer  hold  his  land,  the  mechanic  his 
tools,  the  merchant  his  goods  ?  By  that  title  only  which  the  mountain  robber  of  Scotland 
proclaimed,  when  he  said  that  while  one  shock  of  grain  remained,  or  cattle  grazed  on  low- 
land plain,  the  Gaul,  to  mountain  and  heather  heir,  with  STKOXG  ARM  will  take  his  share. 

How  important  it  is  to  every  citizen  that  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  country- 
should  be  observed  and  obeyed.  The  infraction  of  one  law  leads  inevitably  to  the  infraction 
of  another.  If  one  man  is  allowed  to  violate  one  law  on  the  ground  that  it  conflicts  with 
his  ideas  of  duty  under  a  "higher  law,"  another  man  will  violate  another  law  on  the  same 
pretext,  until  no  law  will  be  observed,  and  all  the  barriers  which  Government  has  erected 
for  the  preservation  of  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens  will  have  been  broken  down, 
and  the  law  of  force  will  then  be  inaugurated.  Is  it  not  clear,  then,  that  the  man  who  re- 
fuses obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  his  country  is  an  enemy  to  the  Republic? 
Judged  by  this  standard,  where  stands  the  Republican  party  to-day  ? 

We  answer,  their  candidate  for  the  presidency  not  only  refuses  to  yield  obedience  to  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  but  actually  declares  his  intention  to  disregard  that  decision! 
In  his  Chicago  speech,  July  10,  1858,  he  said: 

"  If  I  were  in  Congress,  and  a  vote  should  come  up  on  a  question  whether  slavery  should  be  pro- 
hibited in  a  new  Territory,  in  spite  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  I  WOULD  VOTB  THAT  IT  SHOULD." 

Having  thus  set  the  example  of  disobedience  to  the  Supreme  Court,  it  is  not  strange  that 
bis  supporters  should  run  off  in  the  same  channel.  Foremost  of  them  we  find  Mr.  Sumner 
thus  advising  resistance  to  the  fugitive-slave  law  in  a  speech  in  Boston,  in  1850  : 

11  The  ffowi  citizen,  as  he  reads  the  requirements  of  tbis  act  (relative  to  fugitive  slaves),  is  filled 
with  horror.  ****** 

Here  the  path  of  duty  is  clear.  I  AM  BOUXD  TO  DISOBBY  THIS  ACT."  #  * 

"  Sir,  I  will  not  dishonor  this  home  of  the  Pilgrini3,  and  of  tho  Revolution  by  admitting — nay,  I 
cannot  believe — that  this  bill  will  be  executed  fiere.'* 

Again,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  we  see  him  again  reiterating  his  determination 
not  to  obey  the  law.  Mr.  Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  asked,  "  If  we  repeal  the  fugitive-slave 
law,  will  Massachusetts  execute  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  without  any  law  of  Con- 
gress? Will  this  honorable  senator  [Mr.  Sumner]  tell  me  that  he  will  do  it?"  To  which 
Mr.  Sumner  replied  :  "  Is  thy  servant  a  dog,  that  he  should  do  this  thing?"  Mr.  Butler  con- 
tinued: "  Then  you  would  not  obey  the -Constitution.  Sir,  standing  here  before  this  tri- 
bunal, where  you  swore  to  support  it,  you  rise  and  tell  me  that  you  regard  it  the  office  of  a 
dog  to  enforce  it.  Yo  stand  in  my  presence  as  a  co-equal  senator,  and  tell  me  that  it  is  a 
dog's  office  to  execute  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States?"  To  which  Mr.  Sumner  said: 
tl  I  recognize  no  such  obligation." 

The  Hon.  Edward  Wade,  of  Ohio,  in  his  speech  in  the  House,  August  2,  1856,  said : 

"  Thus,  sir,  the  thrice  execrable  fugitive  slave  law,  with  its  catch-pole  bevy  of  slave-hunting  com- 
mi.«pioners  and  deputy  marshals,  becomes  a  nullity  and  nuisance — the  villianous  concoction  of  slave- 
hoMing  usurpation  and  dough-faced  subserviency — and  dissolves  like  stubble  before  the  devouring 


The  Hon.  Sidney  Dean,  of  Ohio,  in  his  speech  in  the  House,  July  23,  1856,  spoke  in  the 
same  strain  : 

"The  fugitive  slave  law  is  dead.  It  needs  must  die,  sir;  -the  Christian  men  in  the  model 
Republic  will  not  be  bloodhounds  to  catch  men.  *  *  *  I  tell  gentlemen,  in 

the  honest  convictions  of  my  heart,  that  my  constituents,  neither  in  thought,  word,  nor  deed,  will 
ever  acquesce  in  thus  branding  our  national  character  with  infamy,  and  will  never,  for  themselves, 
be  made  the  political  or  personal  slaves  of  such  a  monstrosity  in  Republicanism." 

On  the  llth  of  March,  1850,  Senator  Seward,  of  New  York,  thus  spoke  in  the  Senate: 

"  All  that  is  just  and  sound;  but  assuming  the  same  premises—  to  wit :  that  all  men  are  equal  by 
the  law  of  nature  and  of  nations — the  right  of  property  in  slaves  falls  to  thi  ground  :  for  one  who  is 
equal  to  the  other  cannot  be  the  owner  or  property  of  that  other.  But  you  answer  that  tha  Consti- 
tution recogni/.es  property  in  slaves.  It  would  be  sufficient  then,  to  reply,  tJiat  this  Constitutional 
obligation  MUST  BE  VOID,  because  it  is  repugnant  to  tlu  law  of  nature  and  nations." 

Again,  in  his  speech  at  Albany,  New  York,  October  12,  1855,  Mr.  Seward  said  : 

"  It  is  Avritten  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  in  violation  of  the,  divine  law,  that  we 
5ha.ll  surrender  the  fugitive  slave.  You  blush  not  at  these  things  because  they  are  familiar  as  house- 
hold words." 

Still  again,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  March  3,  1858,  Mr.  Seward  thus  assailed  the  Dred 
Scot  decision  and  the  Supreme  Court: 

"  The  Supreme  Court  also  can  reverse  its  spurious  judgment  more  easily  than  we  can  reconcile  the 
people  to  its  usurpation."  *  *  "  The  people  of  the  United  States  never  can,  and  tJieij  nsver 
will,  accept  principles  so  unconstitutional  and  so  abhorrent.  Never,  never.  Let  the  court  recede. 
"Whether  it  recedes  or  not,  WE  SHALL  REORGANIZE  THE  COURT,  AXD  THUS  REFORM  ITS  POLITICAL 
SENTIMENTS  AND  PRACTICES,  and  bring  thorn  into  harmony  with  the  Constitution  and  THE  LAWS 

OP  XATURE." 

To  the  same  effect  is  the  address  of  the  Republican  State  Convention  of  New  York,  in 
October,  1857: 

"  It  is  one  of  the  most  lamentable  features  of  the  present  Democratic  degeneracy,  that  it  has 
invaded  even  the  sanctuary  of  justice,  and  from  the  seat  once  honored  by  Jay,  Rutledge,  Ellsworth, 
and  Marshall,  now  strains  its  equity  through  the  sieve  of  sectionalism,  in  accents  as  barbarous  as 
they  are  disgraceful  to  the  nation  to  which  we  belong  and  the  age  in  which  wa  live.  The  infamy 
of  the  Dred  Scott  decision  is  but  a  legitimate  sequence  to  the  efforts  that  have  been  put  forth  to  scc- 
ztonalize  and  pack  a  tribunal  in  which  was  once  centred  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  nation!" 

Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  seems  to  have  been  a  pioneer  in  the  cause  of  assailing 

the  Supreme  Court.     It  will  be  remembered  that  in  1855,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  a  band 

of  abolitionists,  with  Passmore  Williamson  at  their  head,  rescued  a  fugitive  slave  from  the 

•tistody  of  the  officers  of  the  law.     For  this  he  was  tried,  condemned,  and  imprisoned.     Re- 

•erring  to  this  matter  in  his  speech  in  New  York,  October,  1855,  Mr.  Wilson  said : 

"  We  shall  change  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  place  men  in  that  court  who 
believe  with  its  pure  and  immaculate  Chief  Justice,  John  Jay,  that  our  prayers  will  be  impious  to 
Heaven  while  we  sustain  and  support  human  slavery.  We  shall  free  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  from  Judge  Kane.  And  here  let  me  say,  there  is  a  public  sentiment  growing  up  in 
this  country  that  regards  Passmore  Williamson  in  his  prison,  at  Philadelphia,  as  a  martyr  to  the 
holy  cause  of  personal  liberty.  There  is  a  public  sentiment  springing  up  that  Avill  brand  upon  the 
brow  of  Judge  Kana  a  mark  that  will  make  him  exclaim,  as  his  namesake,  the  elder  Cain,  '  It  is  too 
great  for  me  to  bear.'  " 

In  1850,  Joshua  R.  Giddings  addressed  a  letter  to  a  meeting  at  Palmyra,  Ohio,  in  which, 
speaking  of  the  fugitive  slave  law,  he  said  : 

"  Yet  we  are  told,  we  must  obey  this  law  and  perpetuate  these  crimes  until  a  slave-ridden  Congress 
ehall  see  fit  to  reclaim  us  from  such  sin  against  God  by  repealing  the  law.  Whether  it  be  right  to 
obey  God  rather  than  man,  judge  ye. 

"  From  my  inmost  soul  I  abhor,  detest,  and  repudiate  this  law.  I  despise  the  hitman  being  who 
would  obey  it,  if  such  a  being  has  existence." 

During  the  1st  session  of  the  34th  Congress  we  find  Mr.  Giddings  regaling  the  House  with 
his  law-defying  doctrines,  arid  bragging  of  his  nigger-stealing  propensities.  He  said  : 

"  Gentlemen  will  bear  with  me  when  I  assure  them  and  the  President,  tJiat  I  have  seen  as  many 
as  nine  fugitive  slaves  dining  at  one  time  in  my  house.  I  fed  them.  I  clothed  them,  and  gave 
them  money  for  their  journey,  and  sent  tltem  on  tlteir  way  rejoicing.  If  that  bo  treason  make  the 
most  of  it." 

"  Mr.  BENNET,  of  Mississippi.  I  want  to  know  if  the  gentleman  would  not  have  gone  one  step 
further?" 

"  Mr.  GIDDINGS.     Yes,  sir.     I  would  have  gone  one  step  further.     I  would  have  driven  the  slave 


9 

catcher  who  dared  pursue  them  from  my  premises.  I  would  have  Iritktd  htm  from  my  door-yard  if 
he  had  made  his  appearance  there  ;  or  hud  he  attempted  to  enter  my  dwelling,  I  WOULD  HAVE 
STRICKEN  HIM  DOWN  npo7t  the  thrcshhold  of  my  door  .'" 

The  Hon.  C.  B.  Sedgwick,  of  New  York,  in  his  speech  in  the  House,  March  20,  1800' 
said  : 

"  Great  ingenuity  was  exerted  to  make  the  fugitive  slave  bill  as  bad  and  as  villainous  a.s 
possible  Men  who  would  acquiesce  in  it  might  be  relied  upon  to  buy  and  sell — nay.  they 
would  sell  the  issue  of  their  own  loins,  or  send  their  mothers  into  the  cotton  fold,  for  gold. 
No  law  can  be  found  upon  the  statute  books  of  any  civilized  nation,  having  so  many  cruel 
and  disgraceful  features  as  this.  It  must  have  been  expected  that  so  infamous  a  law  would 
have  been  evaded  by  underground  railroads,  and  all  other  honorable  methods. 
I  am  not,  sir,  a  believer  in  the  doctrine  that  a  bad,  infamous,  and  unconstitutional  enact- 
ment — 1  cannot  call  it  law — should  be  obeyed  until  it  is  repealed.  *  *  AY  here  the  ques- 
tion of  personal  and  civil  right  and  liberty  is  involved,  or  the  rights  of  conscience  are 
thus  ivnadded,  it  is  the  duty  of'  the  citizen  to  resist" 

The  Hon.  I^aniel  W.  Gooch,  of  Massachusetts,  in  his  speech  in  the  House,  May  3,  1800, 
denounced  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States: 

"  I  regard  that  opinion,  sir,  as  one  of  the  most  direct  and  positive  falsifications  of  the  well-known 
facts  of  history  to  be  found  in  the  English  language,  and  the,  greatest  libel  upon  the  men  who  framed 
the  institutions  under  which  we  live  ever  published  to  the  world." 

The  Hon.  Josiah  Quincy,  of  Boston,  we  see,  has  been  writing  a  letter  of  approval  to  Mr. 
Sumner,  of  his  speech  in  the  Senate.  In  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  Boston,  August  18, 
1854,  he  said  : 

<;  The  obligation  incumbent  upon  the  free  States  to  deliver  up  fugitive  slaves  is  that  burden  ;  and 
it  must  be  obliterated  from  the  Constitution  at  every  hazard." 

Now  hear  the  Rev.  Henry  Ward  Beecher : 

"  If  there  were  as  many  laws  as  there  are  lines  in  the  fugitive  slave  law,  and  as  many  officers  aa 
there  were  lions  in  Daniel's  lion's  den,  I  '  icon  Id  disregard  every  law  but  God's,  and  help  the  fugitive. 
The  officers  might  catch  me,  but  not  him,  if  I  could  help  it." 

We  a.sk  every  honest  man  in  this  broad  land,  can  any  government  exist  where  the  people 
are  taught  to  disregrad  and  resist  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  ?  Does  not  such  a  state  ol 
things  inevitably  lead  to  anarchy  and  the  overthrow  of  Government?  By  what  right  do 
you  hold  your  lands,  your  houses,  and  your  property  of  every  description  ?  By  what  right 
do  you  collect  your  debts-?  By  law  and  the  decisions- of  your  courts.  But  the  laws  and 
the  courts  not  only  guarantee  your  rights  of  property,  but  they  throw  around  your  lives  tke 
aegis  of  their  protection.  Sweep  away  all  constitutions,  all  laws,  all  courts,  and  where  ia 
the  protection  of  life  and  property  ?  Then  the  law  of  force  prevails — then  confusion  reigns 
-then  anarchy  is  supreme — then  the  strong  and  sinewy  arm  and  the  brawny  shoulders 
decide  the  rights  of  property  and  of  life — then  ruffian  violence  tears  asunder  the  bands  oj 
matrimony,  and  gloats  in  its  beastial  free-love  I  Do  you  prefer  this  state  of  affairs  to  the 
Government  you  now  have?  If  yea,  then  vote  for  the  men  who  scoff  at  constitutions,  resist 
laws,  and  defy  the  courts  of  the  country — vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Hannibal  Hamlin. 

LINCOLN     AND     HIS     SUPPORTERS     IN     FAVOR     OP     THE     ABOLITION     OP    SLAVERY    AND     THE 

HIGHER    LAW  1 

In  his  tenth  of  July  speech,  in  Chicago  (see  Debates,  page  15),  Mr.  Lincoln  in  reply  to 
some  strictures  on  his  Springfield  speech,  said : 

"  I  did  not  even  say  that  I  desired  that  slavery  should  be  put  in  course  of  ultimate  extinction. 
I  DO  SAY  so  NOW,  HOWEVER  ;  so  there  need  be  no  longer  any  difficulty  about  that.  It  may  be 
written  down  in  the  great  speech." 

"  /  have  always  hated  slavery,  I  think,  as  much  as  any  abolitionist — I  have  been  an  old  line  Whig 
— I  have  always  hated  it ;  but  I  hare  always  been  quiet  about  it  until  this  new  era  of  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  Nebraska  bill  began.  I  always  believed  tJiat  everybody  was  AGAINST  IT,  and  that  IT  WAS 
IN  COURSE  OF  ULTIMATE  EXTINCTION." 

Mr.  Seward,  in  his  great  speech  at  Cleveland,  Ohio,  in  the  canvass  of  1848,  used  the  fol- 
lowing explicit  and  unmistakable  language: 

"Slavery  can  be  limited  to  its  present  bounds  ;  it  can  be  ameliorated.  IT  CAN  BE,  AND  IT  MUST 
BE  ABOLISHED,  and  YOU  and  I  CAN  and  must  Jo  tt.  The  task  is  as  simple  and  easy  as  its  con- 
summation will  be  benificent,  and  its  rewards  glorious.  It  only  requires  to  follow  this  simple  rule  of 
action  :  to  do  everywhere  nnd  on  every  occasion  what  we  can,  and  not  to  neglect  or  refuse  to  do  what 
we  can,  at  any  time,  because  at  that  precise  time(  and  on  that  particular  occasion,  we  cannot  do  more 


10 

Circumstances  determine  possibilities."         *         *         #       "  Extend  a  cordial  welcome  to  the  fugi- 
tive -who  lays  his  weary  limbs  at  your  door,  and  DEFEND  HIM  as  you  would  your  paternal  gods." 

"  Correct  your  own  error  that  slavery  has  any  CONSTITUTIONAL  guarantees  which  may  not  be 
RELEASED,  and  ought  not  to  be  relinquished."  *  *  "  You  will  soon  bring  tho  parties  of 
the  country  into  an  effective  aggression  upon  s\avcry.n 

In  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  March  11,  1850,  Mr.  Seward  said: 

"  There  are  constitutions  and  statutes,  codes  mercantile  and  codes  civil  ;  but  when  we  are  legis- 
lating for  States,  especially  when  we  are  founding  States,  all  these  laws  must  be  brought  to  the  stand- 
ard of  the  laws  of  God,  and  must  be  tried  by  that  standard,  AND  MUST  STAND  OR  FALL  BY  IT.  #, 

"  The  Constitution  regulates  our  stewardship;  the  Constitution  devotes  the  domain  to  Union,  to 
justice,  to  defence,  to  welfare,  and  to  liberty.  But  there  is  a  HIGHER  LAW  than  the  Constitution, 
which  regulates  our  authority  over  the  domain,  and  devotes  it  to  the  same  noble  purposes." — App. 
to  Cong.  Globe,  1st  Sees.  31st  Cong.,  pages  263,  265. 

A  {rain,  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  March,  1858,  Mr.  Seward  said: 

"  The  interests  of  the  white  race  demand  the  ULTIMATE  EMANCIPATION  of  all  men.  Whether 
that  consummation  shall  be  allowed  to  take  effect,  with  needful  and  wise  precautions  against  sudden 
change  and  disaster,  or  be  hurried  on  by  VIOLENCE,  is  all  that  remains  for  you  to  decide." 

Still  later,  only  a  few  days  ago,  at  Boston,  h«  boldly  proclaimed : 

"  What  a  commentary  upon  the  history  of  man  is  the  fact  that  eighteen  years  after  the  death  of 
John  Quincy  Adams  the  people  have  for  their  standard-bearer  Abraham  Lincoln,  confessing  the  obli- 
gations of  the  HIGHER  LAW  which  the  Sage  of  Quincy  proclaimed,  and  contending  for  weal  or  woe^ 
FOR  LIFE  OR  DEATH,  in  the  IRREPRESSIBLE  CONFICT  BETWEEN  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY* 
2  desire  only  to  say  tJiat  ice  are  in  the  LAST  STAGE  of  tlie  conflict  before  t]ie  great  triumphal  in- 
auguration of  this  policy  it.to  the-  Government  of  the  United  States." 

Gov.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  in  the  speech  delivered  in  Cincinnati,  from  which  we  have  already 
quoted,  said : 

"  For  myself,  I  am  ready  to  renew  my  pledge,  and  I  will  venture  to  speak  in  behalt  of  my  co- 
workers,  that  we  will  go  straight  on,  without  faltering  or  wavering,  until  every  vestige  of  oppression 
shall  be  erased  from  the  statute-books — until  the  sun,  in  all  his  journey  from  the  utmost  eastern  hori- 
zon through  the  mid-heaven,  till  he  sinks  behind  the  western  bed,  shall  NOT  BEHOLD  THE  FOOT- 
PRINT OF  A  SINGLE  SLAVE  in  all  our  broad  and  glorious  land.'1'1 

Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  in  his  Boston  speech  in  1855,  said: 

"  Send  it  abroad  on  the  wings  of  the  wind  that  I  am  committed,  fully  committed,  committed  to 

the  fullest  extent,  in  favor  of  immediate  and  unconditional  abolition-  of  slavery,  wherever  it  exists 

under  the  authority  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

In  a  letter  written  on  July  20,  1855,  the  same  Wilson  wrote : 

"Let  us  remember  that  more  than  three  millions  of  bondsmen  groaning  under  nameless  woes, 

demand  that  we  shall  reprove  each  other,  and  that  we  labor  for  THEIR  DELIVERANCE.  *  * 

"  I  tell  you  here  to-night  that  the  agitation  of  this  question  will  continue  while  THE  FOOT  OF  A 

SLAVE    PRESSES  THE   SOIL  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLIC. 

Now  hear  the  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, on  the  5th  of  April,  1860: 

"  You  must  sacrifice  slavery  for  the  good  of  your  country.  Refuse  to  proclaim  LIBERTY  THROUGH 
ALL  THE  LAND,  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof,  and  the  exodus  of  the  slave  will  be  through  the  Red 
Sea.  The  country  cannot  afford  to  continue  a  practice  fraught  with  so  much  of  peril.  It  is  better 
to  remove  the  magazine  than  to  be  kept  ever  more  in  dread  of  a  lighted  match.  The  future  glory 
and  usefulness  of  this  nation  cannot  be  sacrificed  to  this  system  of  crime.  SLAVERY  MUST  DIE. 
Carthago  est  delenaa" 

Horace  Greeley,  while  admitting  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States  is  the  real 
object,  of  the  Republican  party,  explains  the  reason  why  they  do  not  now  openly  advocate  the 
doctrine.  We  quote  from  his  paper  (the  Tribune]  of  July  25th,  1854: 

"We  contend  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States  is  the  real  object  of  the  Republican  party. 

"  Admit  that  abolition  in  the  States  is  what  all  men  ought  to  strive  for,  and  it  is  clear  to  our  mind 
that  a  large  majority  are  not  prepared  for  this,  and  the  practical  question  is  this ;  shall  we  politically 
attempt  what  will  certainly  involve  us  in  defeat  and  failure  ?  or  shall  we  not  rather  attempt  that 
which  a  majority  ARE  ripe  for,  and  thus,  by  our  consequent  triumph,  INVITE  THAT  MAJORITY  TO  GO 
FURTHER?  Shall  we  insist  on  having  all  the  possible  eggs  now.  or  be  content  to  await  their  appear- 
ance day  by  day?  The  latter  seems  to  us  the  only  rational,  sensible  course.  We  care  not  HOW  FAST 
Messrs.  Birney  &  Co.  may  ripen  public  sentiment  in  the  North  FOR  EMANCIPATION,  WE 
WILL  AID  THEM  to  the  best  of  our  ability ;  but  we  will  not  refuse  the  good  now  within  our  reach  out 
of  deference  to  that  which  is  as  yet  unattainable.  Mr.  Birney's  '  ultimatum'  may  be  just  what  he 
sees  fit ;  we  have  not  proposed  to  modify  or  meddle  with  it.  We  only  ask  that  he  shall  not  interdict 
or  prevent  the  doing  of  SOME  good  at  once,  merely  because  he  would  like  to  do  MORE  good,  as  WH 

SHALL,  ALSO,   WHENEVER  IT   SHALL  HAVE   BECOME  PRACTICABLE." 

Determined,  however,  to  let  it  be  known  and  fully  understood  that  the  Black  Republican 
party  were  striving  for  universal  emancipation,  Mr.  Greeley,  in  his  letter  to  ex-Governor  Hunt, 


11 

dated  July  30,  1860,  reiterates  the  fact  that  republicanism  means  interference  with  slavery 
in  the  States  : 

"  You  ask  me  if  guarantee  would  induce  me  to  abandon  my  '  system  of  slavery  agitation  ?'  Your 
phraseology  is  vague  ;  but  my  answer  shall  be  frank  and  full.  Believing  slavery  to  be  a  flagrant 
violation  of  the  inalienable  rights  of  man,  a  burning  reproach  to  our  country,  an  enemy  to  her  pros- 
perity and  progress  in  art,  intelligence,  and  civilization,  I  mean  to  labor  for  its  eradication  from  our 
ou-n  and  all  other  countries  so  long  as  I  live." 

The  next  gentleman  we  introduce  is  the  Hon.  Thomas  H.  Ford,  ex-Lieutenant  Governor 
of  Ohio,  and  elected  during  the  present  Congress  Public  Printer,  by  the  vote  of  every  Black 
Republican  member  of  the  House.  Mr.  Ford  made  a  speech  before  the  Black  Republican 
State  Convention  of  Indiana  in  1856,  from  which  we  quote : 

"  Slavery  was  the  crying  sin  of  this  nation  ;  it  must  be  got  rid  of.  He  feared  he  was  talking  too 
plain  to  suit  this  State  ;  he  feared  he  might  trammel  the  candidates  of  this  convention  ;  that  he 
might  utter  sentiments  upon  this  slavery  question  which  might  be  too  strong  for  the  Republican 
party-  of  Indiana.  [Cries  of  '  No,  you  will  not !'  '  Go  on  !'  '  You  are  right !'  <fcc.J  The  compromises- 
with  slavery  were  hateful — they  were  accursed  ;  we  should  make  no  compromises  with  such  a  moral 
leprosy  The  war  o?i  slavery  was  a  war  between  righteousness  and  unrighteousness.  The  people  of 
the  North  should  say  to  the  people  of  the  South,  Let  us  alone,  and  we  will  regulate  slavery  for  you  ; 
WE  WILL  UULE  IT  OUT  OF  THE  NATION.  Slavery  was  the  question.  It  had  to  be  met.  He  was  will- 
ing to  meet  it.  He  was  eternally  and  uncompromisingly  opposed  to  slavery.  IT  MUST  BE 

BLOCKADED  AND  CRUSHED  OUT." 

Another  gentleman  from  Ohio,  the  Hon.  Win.  R.  Sapp,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, was  also  very  enthusiastic  that  slavery  should  be  put  down : 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  the  issue  between  the  great  political  parties  of  the  day  is  slavery  and  freedom. 
#  *  With  Freedom,  and  Freemont,  and  Dayton  emblazed  on  the  ample  folds  of  our  national 
banner,  we  will  drive  the  base  minions  of  slavery  from  their  control  of  the  Government,  and  we  will 
use  its  power  to  build  up  our  country,  free  from  the  taints  of  slavery,  and  make  America  worthy  of 
being  the  north  star  of  freedom.  Let  the  giant  heel  of  freedom  be  placed  upon  the  neck  of  the  serpent 
of  slavery." — Appendix,  1st  Sess.,  34th  Cong.,  page  1000. 

Senator  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate  on  the  19th  and  20th  of 
May,  1856,  said : 

"In  offering  herself  (Kansas)  for  admission  into  the  Union  as  a  free  State,  she  presents  a  single 
istn-efor  the  people  to  decide.  And  since  the  slave  power  now  stakes  on  this  issue  all  its  ill-gotten 
supremacy,  the  people,  while  vindicating  Kansas,  will  at  the  same  time  OVERTHROW  THIS 
TYRANNY.  Thus  does  the  contest  which  she  now  begins  involve  not  only  liberty  for  herself,  BUT 
FOR  THE  WHOLE  COUNTRY." 

The  Hon.  John  A.  Andrews  is  now  the  Black  Republican  candidate  for  governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts. We  quote  from  a  speech  of  his  made  a  few  days  ago  in  Boston : 

"  Slavery  will  die  out,  because  the  day  shall  surely  be  when  there  will  be  one  whole  family  of  man 
upon  a  sanctified  earth  as  there  will  be  in  Heaven.  But  I  do  not  intend  TO  WAIT  for  the  Providence 
of  God  to  work  it  out." 

We  close  this  branch  of  our  subject  as  we  commenced  it,  by  calling  Mr.  Lincoln  again  on 
the  stand.  "  Acts,"  it  is  said,  "  speak  louder  than  words,"  and  are  the  best  index  to  a  man's 
intentions  and  views.  We  will  try  Mr.  Lincoln  by  this  standard.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Illinois  legislature  in  1837.  On  the  12th  of  January  of  that  year  the  special  com- 
mittee of  the  legislature,  to  whom  had  been  referred  the  "  memorials  of  the  general  assem- 
blies of  the  States  of  Virginia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  New  York,  and  Connecticut  relative,  to 
the  existence  of  domestic  slavery"  and  the  works  of  abolitionists,  &c.,  reported  the  following 
resolutions : 

Resolved,  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  That  we  highly  disapprove  of  the  forma- 
tion of  abolition  societies,  and  of  the  doctrines  promulgated  by  them. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  right  of  property  in  slaves  is  sacred  to  the  slaveholding  States  by 
the  Federal  Constitution,  and  that  they  cannot  be  deprived  of  that  right  without  their  con- 
sent. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  General  Government  cannot  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia, against  the  consent  of  the  citizens  of  said  District,  without  a  manifest  breach  of  good 
faith." 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1837,  a  vote  was  taken  on  these  resolutions,  and  they  were 
adopted.  The  vote  on  each  resolution  stood — ayes  77,  nays  6.  Mr.  Lincoln  voted  against 
each  and  every  one  of  the  resolutions,  thus  approving  of  the  doctrines  and  course  of  the 
abolitionists ;  thus  committing  himself  to  the  doctrine  that  the  South  can  be  deprived  of 
their  slave  property  without  their  consent;  and  thus  indorsing  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

Is  not  the  evidence  clear  and  conclusive,  that  the  purpose  of  the  Republican  party  is  the 


12 

abolition  of  slavery  in  the  States  ?  And  to  what  does  this  lead  ?  To  a  dissolution  of  the 
American  Union.  Hence,  we  are  not  surprised  to  see  the  leaders  of  that  party  advocating 
a  disruption  of  the  Union. 

Abolition  of  slavery !  Men  of  the  North,  have  you  comprehended  it?  Have  you  thought 
of  three  million  negroes,  of  degraded,  debased  negroes,  thrown  upon  you?  Have  you 
thought  of  the  excesses  of  this  mass  of  negroes,  wild  with  their  freedom,  uneducated,  unre- 
strained by  any  moral  perceptions  and  ideas,  led  by  their  passions  alone,  lazy,  vicious,  and 
uncontrollable?  Have  you  thought  of  the  horrors  which  this  exodus  from  the  South  would 
entail  upon  you — of  this  mass  of  negroes  perambulating  your  country,  stealing  and  murder- 
ing as  they  go,  until  a  war  of  races  sweep  them  from  the  face  of  the  American  continent? 
If  you  have,  and  prefer  such  a  state  of  affairs,  to  their  being  enslaved  at  the  South,  vote  for 
the  men  who  stand  pledged  to  abolish  slavery — vote  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 


THE    BLACK    REPUBLICAN   PARTY    INCITING    THE    SLAVES    OF    THE    SOUTH    TO    INSURRECTION, 
AND    JUSTIFYING    THE    MASSACRE    OF    THE    WHITES    IN    THE    SOUTHERN    STATES ! 

The  foremost  man  in  this  work  of  inciting  the  slaves  to  insurrection,  is  Joshua  R.  Gid- 
dings, of  Ohio.  He  has  been  at  it  for  years,  as  his  speeches  show.  We  will  only  go  back 
to  1848.  On  the  25th  of  April,  in  that  year,  he  delivered  a  speech  in  Congress,  from  which 
we  quote : — 

"The  gentleman,  however,  says  that  abolitionists  look  to  the  insurrection  of  the  slaves.  Sir, 
who  does  not  look  to  that  INEVITABLE  RESULT,  unless  the  slave  States  remove  the  heavy  burdens 
which  now  rest  upon  the  down  trodden  and  degraded  people  whom  they  oppress.  And  why  should 
we  not  expect  it  ?  *  *  Sir,  no  lover  of  justice,  no  unbiassed  mind,  COULD  BLAKE  THEM,  for 
asserting  and  maintaining  their  inalienable  rights." 

We  next  quote  from  a  speech,  which  will  be  found  in  the  book  of  his  speeches,  which  Mr. 
Giddings  has  published,  pages  159,  160: — 

"  I  would  not  be  understood  as  desiring  a  servile  insurrection  ;  but  I  say  to  Southern  gentlemen, 
that  there  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of  honest  and  patriotic  men,  7^/40  will  laugh  at  your  calamity, 
and  will  mode  when  your  fear  cometh.  IF  BLOOD  AND  MASSACRE  should  mark  the  struggle 
for  liberty  of  those  who  for  ages  have  been  oppressed  and  degraded,  my  prayer  to  the  God  of  Heaven 
shall  be,  that  justice,  stern,  unyielding  justice  may  be  awarded  to  both  master  and  slave.  I  desire 
that  every  human  being  may  enjoy  the  rights  with  which  the  God  of  nature  has  endowed  him.  If 
those  rights  can  be  regained  by  the  down-trodden  sons  of  Africa  in  our  Southern  States,  by  quiet 
and  peaceful  means,  I  hope  they  will  pursue  such  peaceful  measures.  But  if  they  cannot  regain 
their  God-given  rights  by  peaceful  means,  I  nevertheless  hope  they  will  regain  tliem;  and  if  blood 
be  shed,  I  should  certainly  hope  that  it  might  be  the  b  ood  of  those  who  stand  between  them  and  free- 
dom, and  not  the  blood  of  those  who  havo  long  been  robbed  of  their  wives  and  children,  and  all  they 
hold  dear  in  life." 

On  the  16th  of  May,  1854,  we  find  Mr.  Giddings  delivering  another  speech  in  the  House, 
in  which  he  gives  this  advice  to  his  Black  Republican  friends,  who  go  to  the  Territories : — 

"  Tell  the  slave  who  comes  there  his  rights ;  teach  him  his  obligations  to  himself;  PUT  ARMS  IN 
HIS  HANDS  ;  instruct  him  in  their  use,  and  the  best  mode  of  protecting  himself.  Were  I  a  resident 
of  a  Territory,  and  slaves  were  held  in  bondage  around  me,  I  WOULD  SUPPLY  THEM  WITH  ARMS,  and 
teach  tliem  to  use  all  the  means  which  God  and  nature  has  placed  within  their  control,  to  maintain 
their  freedom  and  their  man/iood." 

Now  for  another  gem  from  Giddings.  In  1858,  a  band  of  Abolitionists,  with  force  and 
arms,  rescued  some  fugitive  slaves  from  the  custody  of  the  Marshal  and  his  escort,  for  which 
they  were  imprisoned.  Giddings  approved  the  act  of  the  Abolitionists,  but  thought  they 
ought  to  have  killed  the  officers  of  the  law!  We  quote  from  his  speech  at  Oberlin,  Ohio: — 

11  In  disregarding  the  law,  the  prisoners  did  right.  Their  error  consisted  in  SPARING  THE 
LIVES  of  the  slave-catchers.  Those  pirates  should  have  been  delivered  over  to  the  colored  me»-,  and 
consigned  to  the  doom  of  pirates.  You  are  aware  that  this  is  the  doctrine  which  I  proclaimed  in 
Congress.  I  adhere  to  it.  Had  the  prisoners  EXECUTED  THE  SLAVE-CATCHERS  PROMPTLY,  it 
would  have  taught  the  Administration  a  lesson  not  soon  to  be  forgotten.  We  should  have  been  no 
more  troubled  with  that  class  of  miscreants.  They  would  have  learned  better  than  to  show  them- 
selves among  an  intelligent  people  who  know  their  rights,  and  dare  maintain  them." 

No\V,  let  us  listen  to  a  defence  of  old  John  Brown,  by  Mr.  Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  in  his 
speech  of  April  5th,  1860  :— 

"  This  affair  of  John  Brown,  brings  us  to  the  reality  of  things.  This  raid  confronts  us  with  sla- 
very, and  makes  us  ask,  is  slaveholding  right?  and  if  so,  what  right  has  it?  *  *  In  regard  to 
John  Brown,  you  want  me  to  curse  him.  I  will  not  curse  John  Brown.  You  want  me  to  pour  out 
execrations  upon  the  head  of  old  Osawatomie.  Though  all  the  slaveholding  Balaks  in  the  country 
fill  their  houses  with  silver,  and  proffer  it,  I  will  not  curse  John  Brown.  *  *  I  BELIEVE  THAT 
HIS  PURPOSE  WAS  A  GOOD  ONE ;  that  BO  far  as  own  motives  before  God  were  concerned  they  wcr* 


13 

honest  and  truthful ;  and  no  one  can  deny  that  he  stands  head  and  shoulders  above  any  other  cha- 
racter that  appeared  on  the  stage  in  that  tragedy,  from  beginning  to  end,  from  the  time  he  entered 
the  armory  there,  to  the  time  when  he  was  strangled  by  Gov.  Fussation.  HE  WAS  NOT  GUILTY  OP 
MURDER  OR  TREASON.  Despotism  has  seldom  sacrificed  three  nobler  victims  than  Brown,  Stevens, 
and  Hazlett.  If  the  blood  of  innocent  men  is  thus  taken  by  an  absolute,  unqualified,  unjustifiable 
violation  of  natural  law,  what  will  it  appease,  what  will  it  pacify?  It  will  mingle  with  the  earth  ;  it 
will  mix  with  the  waters  of  the  ocean  ;  the  whole  civilized  world  will  snufl'  it  in  the  air;  and  it  will 
return  with  AWFUL  RETRIBUTION  on  the  heads  of  those  violators  of  natural  law,  and  universal  jus- 
tice." 

This  infamous  fanatic  not  only  justifies  John  Brown,  but  is  for  visiting  "retribution"  upon 
the  South,  because  they  hung  the  murderer  of  their  citizens. 

On  the  2d  of  December,  1859,  the  day  on  which  John  Brown  expatiated  his  guilt  upon 
the  gallows,  in  Charlestown,  Virginia,  the  Melodeon  Hall,  in  the  city  of  Cleveland,  Ohio, 
was  draped  in  mourning,  and  a  meeting  there  assembled  to  mourn  over  his  fate.  Albert  G. 
Riddle  was  the  president  of  the  meeting,  and  made  a  speech,  which  we  find  reported  in  the 
Morning  Leader,  ike  Black  Republican  paper  published  in  that  city,  from  which  we  quote: — 

"A.  G.  Riddle,  Esq.,  remarked  that  there  never  was  a  time  in  which"  stirring  and  unexpected 
events  brought  us  by  such  unexpected  short  cuts  to  important  conclusions  as  now.  There  is  no 
political  commotion  abroad,  but  what  tec  see  and  hear  is  the  red  glare  that  leaps  from  the  month  of 
the  cannon,  and  the  voices  of  the  storm  that  shall  sweep  and  skake  the  world.  J-ohn  Brown  is  dead, 
but  what  of  that  ?  Why  is  it  that  you  gather  together  here,  and  all  over  the  land  the  very  bells 
have  vibrated  with  the  significance  of  the  hour  ?  Do  we  venerate  a  traitor  ?  Not  at  all,  but  because 
slavery  lias  seized  the  old  man,  John  Brown,  in  the  gaze  of  two  hemispheres,  as  a  victim  on.  whom 
to  wreak  tlieir  vengeance.  It  matters  not  to  us  that  all  this  is  done  under  the  forms  of  law.  What 
of  that  ?  So  ages  ago,  the  charge  was  made  against  the  Saviour  of  tJie  world,  and  a  '•strong  case,' 
as  the  lawyers  would  say,  was  found,  and  he  was  pronounced  guilty  and  put  to  death.  What  reve- 
lations this  little  blow  of  John  Brown  has  made,  showing,  as  it  does,  the  helplessness  and  weakness 
of  slavery  !  It  lies  now  helpless,  and  the  whole  world  is  looking  in  upon  its  nakedness.  It  has  re- 
vealed, too,  the  cowardice  which  slavery  makes  of  otherwise  brave  men.  Of  all  the  spectacles  of  fear, 
was  tJiere  ever  any  parallel  to  the  terror  with  which  this  bloiv  of  John  Brown  has  enveloped  the  chiv- 
alry of  the  South  ?  Again,  it  has  developed  the  cruelty  which  this  system  fosters  and  encourages. 

' '  But  this  event  has  also  developed  and  exhibited  the  nobleness  and  greatness  of  Brown  and  his 
associates.  The  live/test  imagination  fails  to  show  us  the  fulness  of  the  lesson  which  lias  been  taught 
on  the  scaffold,  as  the  pearly  gates  opened  and  AS  PURE  A  SOUL  entered  as  has  passed  into  the  here- 
after in  the  last  thousand  years." 

That  man,  Albert  G.  Riddle,  is  now  the  Black  Republican  candidate  for  Congress  in  the 
banner  Black-Republican  (Western  Reserve)  district  in  Ohio ! 

At  this  meeting  resolutions  were  unanimously  passed,  which  were  reported  from  a  com- 
mittee composed  of  Judge  R.  P.  Spaulding,  a  member  of  the  Chicago  Convention  which 
nominated  Lincoln,  Judge  D.  R.  Tilden,  one  of  the  leading  Black  Republicans  in  Ohio,  and 
Rev.  Mr.  Brewster,  a  political  parson  of  the  same  stripe.  We  give  them  as  follows : — 

"  WHEREAS,  The  'peculiar  institution'  has  this  day  made  strikingly  manifest  its  baneful  influence 
upon  the  'rights  of  man,'  by  inflicting  the  death  penalty,  at  Charlestown,  Virginia,  upon  John 
Brown,  of  Ossawattomie,  for  a  consciencious  observace  of  the  law  of  brotherltood  o&  inculcated  by 
Jesus  Christ,  and  the  law  of  freedom  as  taught  by  Thomas  Jefferson : — 

"Resolved,  That  the  system  of  negro  slavery,  as  it  now  exists  in  some  of  the  States  of  the  Ameri- 
can Confederacy,  is  but, the  'experiment  of  despotism,'1  which  lives  upon  conceptions,  and  becomes 
lusty  upon  concilliations  and  compromises.  It  is,  in  the  words  of  Wesley,  lthe  sum  of  all  villainies,1 
and  can  only  be  subdued  by  giving  it,  in  Soutliern  parlance,  '  WAR  TO  THE  KNIFE,  WIH  THE  KNIFE 

TO  THE  HILT.' 

"Resolved,  That  the  State  of  Virginia,  under  the  lead  of  Henry  A.  Wise,  is  a  contemptible 
caricature  of  the  'Old  Dominion'  in  the  days  of  George  Washington  and  George  Mason.  She  was 
once  aptly  called  'the  Mother  of  Presidents.'  She  may  now,  with  significant  propriety,  be  termed 
'  the  Mother  of  Slaves.'  She  is  afflicted  with  frightful  visions  of  armed  invaders,  and  with  a  luxu- 
riantly guilty  conscience  ;  her  chivalry  flee  when  pursued  by  shadows.  They  are  ready  to  cry  out 
with  the  '  Humpback' — 

'By  the  Apostle  Paul !  shadows  to-night 

'Have  struck  more  terror  to  the  soul  of  Richard 

'Than  could  the  substance  of  ten  thousand  soldiers 

'Armed  in  proof.' 

"  Resolved,  That  for  their  conduct  in  the  Harper's  Ferry  war,  when  'one  man  chased  a  thousand,' 
and  in  the  sequel  to  that  war,  when  'ten  thousand'  put  the  one  man  to  death,  the  spurs  should  be 
hacked  from  the  heels  of  the  chivalry  of  Virginia,  the  bearings  on  their  State  shield  reversed,  and, 
instead  of  the  prostrate  despot  with  his  broken  manacles,  and  the  spirit-stirring  motto,  'Sic  Semper 
Tyrannies,'  their  heraldic  devices  should  be  fetters,  and  handcuffs,  and  bowstrings,  with  a  'Son  of 
Liberty'  on  a  gibbet,  bearing  the  significant  inscription — '  Degeneres  Animos  Timor  Aryui't.' 

"  Resolved,  That  it  was  in  exact  keeping  with  the  character  and  conduct  of  the  citizens  of  South 
Carolina,  who  had  furnished  a  bully  to  beat  down  freedom's  champion  in  the  Senate  Chamber,  to 


14 

furnish  a  halter  to  hang  freedom's  champion  at  Harper's  Ferry.     The  people  of  the  North  have 
'  food  for  reflection.' 

•'  Resolved,  That  we  fully  agree  in  sentiment  with  those  fathers  of  the  Republic  who,  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  and  while  that  instrument  was  undergoing  examination,  patriotically 
exclaimed  '  however  desirable  a  union  of  these  States  may  be,  the  preservation  of  our  liberties  is 
still  more  desirable.'  We  have,  by  force  of  circumstances,  become  convinced  that  the  '  irrepressible 
conflict'  is  iipon  us,  and  that  it  will  never  terminate  until  '•freedom  or  slavery  go  to  the  wall.'  In 
such  a  contest,  and  under  such  a  dire  necessity,  we  say,  'without  fear  and  without  reproach,'  LET 

FREEDOM   STAND  THOUGH  THE  UNION  BE  DISSOLVED  ! 

"  We  further  say,  that  any  religion  that  sanctions  or  apologizes  for  a  government  that  author- 
izes human  slavery,  and  legalizes  murder,  is  barbarous  in  spirit,  evil  in  tendency,  and  in  virtual 
fellowship  with  the  '  sum  of  all  villianies  !' 

"  Resolved,  That  John  Brown,  who  in  his  life  was  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  oppressor,  has  in  his 
death  become  to  the  slave  power  '  more  terrible  than  an  army  with  banners.'  His  eulogy  is  best 
spoken  by  his  executioner — 'he  possesses  the  greatest  integrity,  truthfulness,  and  courage,  that  I 
ever  met !' 

"  Resolved,  That  however  much  we  may  lament  the  death  of  the  devoted  Brown,  we  are  satisfied 
that  his  execution  will  bring  confusion  upon  his  enemies,  and  do  more  to  overthrow  the  bulwarks  of 
slavery  than  a  long  life  of  philanthropic  deeds  with  a  peaceful  exit.  We  honor  his  memory!  Pos- 
terity will  give  him  a  monument  as  indestructible  as  their  aspirations  for  FREEDOM." 

Judge  Tilden  made  a  speech  in  support  of  the  resolutions,  from  which  we  quote  the  fol- 
fowing  : — 

"Amid  the  feelings  I  felt  on  the  death  of  my  old  and  valued  friend  I  am  almost  unable  to  ex- 
press myself  as  I  otherwise  would.  I  could  not  fail,  however,  to  express  to  this  meeting  my  respect, 
my  ADMIRATION,  my  VENERATION  for  the  old  man  that  Virginia  has  this  day  executed  on  the 
gallows.  John  Brown  has  gone  to  his  grave,  and  we  can't  call  him  back,  but  I  propose  that  we 
baptize  ourselves  in  his  spit-it,  and  stand  upon  a  foundation  of  adamant  in  unalterable  hostility  to 
slavery.  [Cries  of  '  Good,  good.']  By  his  execution,  slavery  has  driven  the  first  nail  in  its  own 
coffin.  And  it  seems  that  there  is  a  special  Providence  in  Brown's  suifering  at  this  time,  as  did 
Luther,  Cromwell,  and  Russell,  and  all  of  them,  except  Luther,  have  died  upon  the  scaffold,  but 
their  works  live  after  them,  and  so  will  John  Brown's. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Brewster  said : — 

"  We  are  not  here  to  advocate  an  armed  invasion  of  the  South.  The  time  has  not  com&  for  tfat 
— HOW  SOON  IT  WILL,  we  are  not  prepared  to  say !  We  are  not  here  to  sympathize  with  or  for 
Brown,  for  he  has  gone;  and  before  his  death,  thank  God,  he  didn't  need  it.  I  can  only  say,  as  I 
sit  down,  'John  Broivn,'  one  of  tJm  immortal  names  that  will  never  die." 

Judge  Spauldirig  also  made  a  short  speech,  from  which  we  extract  the  following : — 
"  I  claim  John  Brown  as  a  hero,  true  to  his  conscience  and  true  to  his  God.     We  have  met  to 
honor  him  for  his  faithfulness  to  his  convictions  of  duty,  and  his  principles.      We  have  met  to  honor 
those  principles,  end  the  CAUSE  in  which  he  died.     Governor  Wise  was  a  thousand  times  more  enti 
tied  to  the  term  of  felon  than  old  John  Brown." 

Now,  listen  to  Horace  Greeley  in  the  Tribune  of  the  9th  December,  1859  : — 

"  Unwise  the  world  will  pronounce  him — reckless  of  artificial  yet  palpable  obligations  he  cer- 
tainly was  ;  but  his  very  errors  were  heroic,  the  faults  of  a  brave,  impulsive,  truthful  nature,  im- 
patient of  wrong,  and  -only  too  conscious  that  resistance  to  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God!  Let  whoever 
would  first  cast  a  stone,  ask  himself  whether  his  own  noblest  act  was  equal  in  grandeur  and  nobility 
to  that  for  which  John  Brown  pays  the  penalty  of  a  death  on  the  gallows." 

"  To  all  who  have  suffered  for  human  good,  who  have  been  persecuted  for  an  idea,  who  have  been 
hated  because  of  their  efforts  to  make  the  daily  path  of  the  despised  and  unfortunate  less  rugged, 
his  memory  will  be  fragrant  through  generations.  It  will  be  easier  to  die  hereafter  in  a  good  cause, 
even  on  the  gallows,  since  John  Brown  has  HALLOWED  THAT  MODE  OF  EXIT  from  the  troubles  and 
temptations  of  this  mortal  life." 

We  next  quote  from  the  Winstead  (Connecticut)  Herald,  a  strong  Republican  paper,  now 
flying  at  its  masthead  the  names  of  Lincoln  and  Hamlin  : — 

"For  one,  we  confess  we  love  him,  we  honor  him,  we  applaud  him.  He  is  honest  in  his  principles, 
courageous  in  their  defence,  and  we  have  yet  to  be  taught,  reading  from  the  book  of  inspiration  we 
acknowledge,  how  and  wherein  old  John  Brown  is  a  transgressor. 

"  He  dared  to  undertake  what  you  (the  Republican  leaders),  in  the  security  of  your  sanctams, 
only  are  bold  to  preach." 

A  few  days  ago,  the  Republican  party  of  Massachusetts  met  in  State  Convention,  and 
nominated,  by  a  vote  of  over  two  to  one,  John  A.  Andrews,  of  Boston,  as  their  candidate  for 
Governor.  When  we  saw  the  nomination,  we  thought  we  had  heard  of  the  gentleman  be- 
fore, and  sure  enough  we  had.  On  looking  over  the  November  files  of  the  Boston  papers, 
•we  find  that  this  same  John  A.  Andrews  presided  at  a  John  Brown  sympathy  meeting  on 
the  13th  November,  1859,  at  which  Wendell  Phillips  and  R.  W.  Emerson  made  speeches. 
He,  too,  made  a  speech,  and  from  it  we  make  the  following  extract : — 

"  John  Brown  and  his  companions  in  the  conflict  at  Harper's  Ferry,  those  who  fell  there  and 


15 

those  who  are  to  suffer  upon  the  scaffold,  are  victims  and  martyrs  to  an  idea.  TJure  is  an  irrepres* 
sible  conflict  [great  applause]  between  freedom  and  slavery  as  old  and  as  immortal  as  the  irrepres- 
sible conflict  between  right  and  wrong.  They  are  among  the,  martyrs  of  that  conflict.  JOHN 
BROWN  WAS  RIGHT.  I  sympathize  with  the  man,  I  sympathize  with  the  idea  because  I  sympa- 
thize with  and  believe  in  tJte  ETERNAL  RIGHT.  They  who  are  dependent  upon  him  and  his  sons  and 
his  associate?,  in  the  battle  at  Harper's  Ferry,  havi  a  right  to  call  upon  us  wlio  have  profess*d  to 
believe,  or  who  have,  in  any  manner  or  measure,  TAUGHT  Tin:  DOCTRINE  OP  THE  RIGHTS  OF  HAN 
AS  APPLIED  TO  THE  COLORED  SLa.  KS  OK  THE  SOUTH,  to  stand  by  them  in  their  bereavement. 
We  are  to-night  in  the  presence  of  „.  great  and  an  awful  sorrow,  which  has  fallen  like  a  pall  upon 
many  families  whose  hearts  fail,  whose  affections  are  lacerated,  and  whose  hopes  are  crushed — all  of 
hope  left  on  earth  destroyed  by  an  event,  which,  under  the  providence  of  God,  I  pray  will  be  over' 
ruled  for  tJuit  GOOD  which  teas  contemplated  awl  intendetl  by  John  Brown. 

And  this  man  is  the  Black  Republican  candidate  for  Governor  of  Massachusetts! 

We  ask.  in  all  soberness  and  earnestly,  is  not  the  Republican  party  guilty  of  all  the  blood 
that  has  been  shed  in  Kansas,  nt  Harper's  Ferry,  and  is  now  being  shed  in  the  insurrec- 
tions in  Texas  ?  They  have  told  the  negroes  from  the  forums  of  the  Senate  and  the  House 
of  Representatives,  that  they  were  entitled  to  their  freedom  ;  that  it  was  a  gross  usurpation 
mid  tvranny  to  hold  them  in  bondage  ;  that  they  were  the  equals  of  the  white  man  ;  that 
the  slaveholders  were  a  band  of  thieves,  robbers,  and  murderers;  that  there  was  an  irrepres- 
sible conflict  between  the  free  North  and  the  slave-holding  South  that  John  Brown  was 
ri^ht  in  murdering  in  cold  blood  the  defenceless  and  unarmed  inhabitants  of  Harper's 
Ferry.  What  but  insurrection  and  bloodshed  could  spring  from  such  counsels?  Is  it  any 
wonder  that,  seduced  by  these  words,  and  believing  the  men  sincere  who  uttered  them, 
John  Brown  and  his  deluded  followers  sought  to  decide  that  "irrepressible  conflict"  in  favor 
of  their  own  section  ? 

The  Republican  party  cannot  wash  its  hands  of  this  bloody  transaction.  Look  at  their 
defence  of  John  Brown.  Look  at  their  deifying  a  man,  who,  without  provocation,  at  the 
de  id  of  night,  stole  down  upon  the  peaceful  and  unsuspecting  inhabitants  of  a  town,  who 
had  done  him  no  wrong,  inciting  their  slaves  to  cut  their  throats,  and  he  and  his  followers 
imbruing  their  hands  in  their  blood.  And  this  horrible,  infamous  act  received  the  approval 
and  the' applause  of  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party.  Men  of  the  North!  are  you 
prepared  to  indorse  such  conduct  ?  If  yea,  vote  for  the  men  who  instigated  and  defended 
it ;  vote  for  their  candidate,  Abraham  Lincoln. 

THE  INFAMOUS  ABUSE  OF  THK  SOUTH  BY  THE  BLACK  REPUBLICANS. 

One  of  the  means  employed  by  the  Abolition  Black  Republican  party  to  bring  about  a 
dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  that  Northern  confederacy  which  they  so  much  desire,  is  to 
abuse  and  goad  the  Southern  men  to  madness  by  their  vile  and  infamous  abuse.  They 
have  been  at  this  systematically  for  years,  but  recently  they  have  far  outstripped  all  former 
efforts  of  villification  and  slang.  We  extract  a  few  choice  specimens  : — 

And  first  on  the  list  comes  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  who  has  left  all  other 
competitors  in  the  work  of  vituperation  and  abuse  far  in  the  rear.  From  his  infamous 
speech  in  the  Senate,  June  4,  1860,  we  quote  : — 

4  'Language  is  feeble  to  express  all  the  enormity  of  this  institution,  which  is  now  vaunted  as  in 
itself  a  form  of  civilization,  ennobling  at  least,  to  the  master  if  not  the  slave.  Look  at  it  in  what- 
ever light  you  will,  and  it  is  always  the  scab — the  canker,  '  the  bare  bones,1  and  the  shame  of  the 
country  ;  wrong,  not  merely  in  the  abstract,  as  is  often  admitted  by  its  apologists,  but  wrong  in  the 
concrete  also,  and  possessing  no  single  element  of  right.  Look  at  it  in  the  light  of  principle,  and  it 
is  nothing  less  than  a  huge  insurrection  against  the  eternal  law  of  God,  and  also  the  denial  of  that 
Divine  law  in  which  God  himself  is  manifest,  thus  being  practically  tlie  grosseth  lie  and  the  grossest 
nthe.ifm.  Barbarous  in  origin  ;  barbarous  in  its  law  ;  barbarous  in  all  its  pretensions  ;  barbarous  in 
the  instruments  it  employs  ;  barbarous  in  consequences  ;  barbarous  in  spirit ;  barbarous  wherever  it 
shows  it«elf.  .Slavery  must  breed  barbarians,  while  it  developes  everywhere  alike  in  the  individual, 
and  in  the  society  of  it-hirh  he  forms  a  part,  the  essential  elements  of  barbarism. 

"  Violence,  brutality,  injustice,  barbarism,  must  be  reproduced  in  the  lives  of  all  who  live  within 
their  fatal  sphere.  The  meat  that  is  eaten  by  man  enters  into  and  becomes  a  part  of  his  body;  the 
madder  which  is  eaten  by  a  dog  changes  his  bones  to  red  ;  and  the  slavery  on  which  men  live  in  all 
its  fivefold  foulness,  must  become  a  part  of  themselves,  discoloring  their  very  souls,  blotting  their 
characters,  and  breaking  forth  in  moral  leprosy.  This  language  is  strong ;  but  the  evidence  is  even 
stronger.  Some  there  may  be  of  happy  natures,  like  honorable  Senors,  who  can  thus  feed  and 
not  be  harmed.  Mithridates  FED  ON  POISON,  and  lived;  and  it  may  be  there  is  a  moral  Mithridates 
who  can  swallow  without  bane  the  poison  of  slavery." 

In  his  speech  in  New  York,  deJivered  a  few  days  ago,  Mr.  Sumner  repeats  the  same  villian- 
oas  language.  He  declares  that  it  is  the  mission  of  the  Republican  party  to  fight  out  the 


16 

battle  between  "civilization  and  barbarism,  between  freedom  and  slavery,"  and  regrets  that 
in  this  war  he  has  only  words  to  use  when  he  "ought  to  command  thunderbolts."  Had  he 
the  powers  of  Omnipotence,  lie  would  crush  at  once  by  the  thunders  of  his  indignation  that 
system  which  he  describes  as  "offensive  to  civilization,  hostile  to  law  itself,  by  virtue  of 
which  it  pretends  to  live,  insulting  to  humanity,  shocking  to  decency,  and  utterly  heedless 
of  all  rights,  forms,  or  observances,  in  the  maintenance  of  its  wicked  power."  And  in  his 
peroration,  he  bursts  out  into  the  following  fiery  appeal  to  those  who  have  engaged  in  "  the 
Holy  War,"  against  "  the  slave  oligarchy"  : — 

"  Prostrate- the  slave  oligarchy,  and  the  door  will  be  opened  to  all  generous  principles;  prostrate 
the  slave  oligarchy,  and  liberty  will  become,  in  fact  as  in  law,  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  national 
Territories.  Prostrate  the  slave  oligarchy,  and  the  National  Governmant  will  be  at  length  divorced 
from  slavery,  and  the  national  policy  will  be  changed  from  slavery  to  freedom.  Prostrate  the  slave 
oligarchy,  and  the  North  will  be  admitted  to  its  just  share  in  the  trusts  and  honors  of  the  Republic  ! 
Prostrate  the  slave  oligarchy,  and  a  mighty  victory  of  peace  will  be  won,  Whose  influence  on  the 
future  of  our  country  and  of  mankind  no  imagination  can  paint  ! 

His  prototype  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  Hon.  Owen  Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  in  a 
speech  delivered  in  that  body  on  the  5th  of  April,  1860,  thus  poured  out  the  sluices  of  his 
vituperative  malice  upon  the  South  : — 

"Slaveholding  has  been  justly  designated  as  the  sum  of  all  villiany.  Put  every  crime  perpetrated 
among  men  into  a  moral  crucible,  and  dissolve  and  combine  them  all,  anil  the  resultant  amalgam  is 
slaveholding.  It  has  the  violence  of  robbery. 

"A  MEMBEB.     You  are  joking. 

"Mr.  LovEJor.  No,  sir,  I  am  speaking  in  dead  earnest  before  God,  God's  own  truth.  It  has 
the  violence  of  robbery,  the  blood  and  cruelty  of  piracy  ;  it  has  the  offensive  and  brutul  lusts  of  poly- 
gamy, all  combined  and  concentrated  in  itself,  with  aggravations  tJiat  neither  one  of  these  crimes 
ever  knew  or  dreamed  of. 

"Mr.  Chairman,  I  was  about  stating,  when  interrupted,  that  the  principle  upon  which  slavehold- 
ing  was  sought  to  be  justified  in  this  country  would,  if  carried  out  in  the  affairs  of  the  universe, 
transform  Jehovah,  the  Supreme,  into  an  infinite  Juggernaut,  rolling  the  huge  wheels  of  his  omnipo 
tence  ankle-deep,  amid  the  crushed,  mangled,  and  bleeding  bodies  of  human  beings  [laughter  on  the 
Democratic  side],  on  the  ground  that  he  was  infinitely  superior,  and  that  they  were  an  inferior 
race." 

In  another  speech  delivered  in  the  House  on  the  21st  of  April,  1859,  Mr.  Lovejoy  said  : — 
<(  And  it  can  be  truly  said  of  slavery,  that  there  is  nothing  that  it  does  not  touch,  and  nothing 
that  it  touches  that  it  does  not  defile.  It  has  perverted  the  Government,  violated  the  national  faith, 
muzzled  the  press,  debauched  the  church,  corrupted  Christianity,  and  seeks  to  change  the  glory  of 
the  invisible  God  into  a  Moloch,  and  transform  the  eternal  and  loving  Father  into  a  patron  of  cruelty, 
lust,  and  injustice.  /  should  be  ashamed  of  suck  a  God  as  that ."' 

Another  member,  the  Hon.  Charles  H.  Van  Wyck,  of  New  York,  sought  to  run  a  tilt  with 
Lovejoy  in  the  work  of  defamation  of  the  South.  But  the  following  extract  from  his  speech 
of  7th  March,  1860,  shows  that  he  could  not  come  up  to  the  mark : — 

"You  talk  of  God,  justice,  and  mercy,  who  hold,  claiming  by  Divine  authority,  four  millions  of 
human  beings,  in  hopeless  and  irretrievable  bondage,  and  ostracise  free  white  men  who  will  not  sing 
hosannas  to  your  traffic  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men,  and  stigmatize  as  murderers  and  felons  those 
who  will  hot  applaud  the  cruelty  which  tramples  upon  all  the  attributes  of  the  mind,  the  affections  of 
the  heart,  given  by  the  Almighty  to  the  children  of  his  own  creation. 

11  The  leprosy  of  slavery  is  'in  the  warp  and  woof  of  your  organization." 

Take  a  short  extract  from  the  speech  of  Senator  Wilson  in  New  York,  October  4,  1856  : — 

"In  the  other  section,  they  found  fifteen  slave  States.  There  they  did  not  find  the  mechanic  arts, 
save  in  a  rude  form ;  there  they  did  not  find  commerce,  nor  philanthropic  institutions  ;  but  they 
found  three  millions  of  slaves  and  six  MILLIONS  OF  DEGRADED  WHITE  FREEMEX." 

Is  such  language  calculated  to  bind  still  closer  the  "  sacred  ties"  that  link  us  together  as 
one  people?  Oh  no,  the  object  of  the  men  who  utter  such  libels  upon  the  South  is  to  "  alle- 
viate," to  estrange,  to  embitter,  and,  finally,  to  separate  one  section  of  the  country  from  the 
other.  And  yet  they  have  the  assurance  to  vaunt  themselves  as  the  followers'  of  "  the  meek 
and  lowly  Jesus,"  and  pompously  parade  their  claim  to  religion  and  piety !  We  would  com- 
mend to  them  the  words  of  the  inspired  Apostle  :  "  Let  all  bitterness,  and  wrath,  and  anger 
and  clamor,  and  evil-speaking,  be  put  away  from  you,  with  all  malice." 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  a  state  of  alarm  exists  in  the  South  at  the  prospect,  however  ^re- 
mote, of  such  a  party  getting  into  power  in  this  country  ?  Is  it  any  wonder  that,  in  view 
of  these  denunciations,  the  Southern  people  are  excited  and  indignant  ?  Is  it  any  wonder 
that,  seeing  the  spirit  of  deep  malice  and  hatred  evinced  by  the  Black  Republican  leaders 
towards  them,  they  should  aim  for  self-preservation  and  self-defence  ?  This  thing  must  have 
an  end.  The  Northern  people  must  rise  in  their  might,  and  rebuke  this  intolerant  and  dia- 
bolical spirit  of  Black  Republicanism,  or  it  will  work  the  subversion  of  the  Constitution  and 


17 

the  Union.  Men  of  the  North,  our  appeal  is  to  you.  You  hold  in  your  hands  the  destiny 
of  this  great  country.  Before  God,  we  charge  you  that  you  acquit  yourselves  worthily,  and 
prove  yourselves  fit  to  be  intrusted  with  the  high  duties  and  the  deep  responsibilities  your 
fathers  committed  to  your  keeping. 

OTHER  IN-FAMOUS  SENTIMENTS  OF  THE  BLACK  REPUBLICAN  LEADERS,  REVOLUTIONARY  IN  THEIR 
CHAIIACTER,  BLASPHEMOUS  IJf  TlIEIll  EXPRESSION,  AND  INSURRECTIONARY  IN  THEIR  DESIGNS. 

We  head  the  list  with  Joshua  R.  Qiddings,thc  father  of  the  Black  Republican  party.  The 
extract  will  be  found  in  a  speech  delivered  by  him  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the 
ItJth  of  March,  1834:— 

"  When  the  contest  shall  come,  when  the  thunder  shall  roll,  and  tJic  lightning  fla^h,  when  the 
a/furs  sh'tll  rise  in  the  South,  when,  in  imitation  of  the  Cuban  bondmen,  the  Southern  slaves  shall 
feel  that  they  are  men,  when  they  feel  the  stirring  emotions  of  immortality,  and  recognize  the  stir- 
ring truth  that  they  are  men,  and  entitled  to  the  rights  which  God  ha?  bestowed  upon  them  ;  when 
the  slaves  shall  feel  that,  and  when  masters  sJtall  turn  pale  and  tremble  when  their  dwellings  sha.il 
smoke,  and  dismay  sit  on  every  coiintcnu  uc,',  then,  sir,  I  do  not  say,  '  we  will  laugh  at  your  calamity, 
and  inoek  when  your  fear  cometh;'  but  I  do  say,  when  that  time  shall  come,  the  lovers  of  our 
race  will  stand  forth  and  exert  the  legitimate  powers  of  this  Government  for  freedom.  We  shrtll  then 
have  constitutional  power  to  act  for  the  good  of  our  country,  and  do  justice  to  the  slave.  Then  trill 
we  strike  off  the  shackles  from  the  limbs  of  the  slave.  And  let  me  tell  you,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  tliat 
dune  hastens.  It  is  rolling  forward.  I  luiil  it  as  I  do  the  approaching  dawn  of  that  political  MIL- 
I.HXIUM  which  I  am  well  assured  will  come  upon  the  world." 

Next  comes  Owen  Lovejoy,  of  Illinois,  in  that  speech  of  his  from  which  we  have  already 
quoted  so  much  : — 

11 1  tell  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  I  tell  you  all,  that  if  I  were  a  slave,  and  had  I  the  power,  and 
were  it  necessary  to  achieve  my  freedom,  I  would  not  hesitate  to  fill  up  and  bridge  over  the  c.Jiasm 
that  yawns  between  the  hell  of  seavery  and  the  Heaven  of  freedom,  with  the  carcasses  of  the  slaiii. 
Give  me  my  freedom.  Hands  off.  Unthrottlo  that  man.  Give  him  his  liberty.  He  is  entitled  to 
it  from  his  God." 

Now  for  the  Hon.  Anson  Burlingame,  of  Massachusetts,  who,  in  a  speech  in  Boston,  blas- 
phemously exclaimed:  "The  times  demand,  and  we  must  have,  AN  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONSTITU- 
TION, AN  ANTI-SLAVERY  BlBLE,  AND  AN  ANTI-SLAVERY  GOD." 

But  all  these  infamous  expressions  and  sentiments,  and  even  more,  if  it  be  possible,  are 
centred  in  that  sum  total  of  all  diabolical  infamy,  "Helper's  Impending  Crisis."  We  sub- 
mit a  few  choice  extracts: — 

"  Such  are  the  agricultural  achievements  of  slave  labor ;  such  are  the  results  of  'the  fttm  of  all 
villainies.'  The  diabolical  institution  subsists  on  its  men  Jlesh.  At  one  time  children  are  sold  to 
procure  food  for  the  parents  ;  at  anotJier,  parents  are  sold  to  procure  food  for  the  children  Within  it? 
prsti/t'iitial  atmosphere,  nothing  succeeds;  progress  and  prosperity  are  unknown;  inanition  and 
•lothfulness  ensue  ;  everything  become?  dull,  dismal,  and  unprofitable;  wretchedness  and  desolation 
stand  or  lie  in  bold  relief  throughout  the  land  ;  an  aspect  of  most  melancholy  inactivity  and  dilapi- 
dation broods  over  every  city  and  town  ;  ignorance,  and  prejudice  sit  enthroned  over  the  minds  of 
the  people;  usurping  despots  wield  the  sceptre  of  power:  everywhere  and  in  everything,  between 
Delaware  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  are  the  multitudinous  evils  of  slavery  apparent." 

"  We  enter  our  protest  against  it,  and  deem  it  our  duty  to  use  our  most  strenuous  efforts  to  ov#r- 
t.rtrn  awl  abolish  it.  #  *  *  We  are  not  only  in  favor  of  keeping  slavery  out  of  the  territorie5, 
but,  carrying  our  opposition  to  the  institution  a  step  farther,  we  here  unhesitatingly  declare  in  favor 
of  its  IMMEDIATE  and  UNCONDITIONAL  ABOLITION  IN  EVERY  STATE  in  the  Confede- 
racy where  it  now  exists." — Page  25  of  The  Crisis. 

"The  great  revolutionary  movement  which  was  set  on  foot  in  Charlotte,  Mecklenburg  County, 
Worth  Carolina,  on  the  20th  day  of  May,  1775,  has  not  yet  been  terminated,  nor  will  it  be  until  every 
tluve  the  United  States  is  freed  from  the  tyranny  of  his  master." — Page  95  of  Tfie  Crisis. 

•'Slaveholders  are  a  nuisance." 

"It  is  our  imperative  business  to  abate  nuisances.'1 

"  We  believe  that  THIEVES  are,  as  a,  general  rule,  less  amenable  to  the  moral  law  than  SLAVE- 
HOLDERS." 

"SLAVEHOLDERS  ARE  MORE  CRIMINAL  THAN  COMMON  MURDERERS." 

"  Slaveholders  and  slave-traders  are,  as  a  general  thing,  unfit  to  occupy  any  honorable  station  in 
life." 

"It  is  our  honest  conviction  that  all  the  pro-slavery  slaveholders,  who  are  alone  vwponpible  rbr 
the  continuance  of  the  baneful  institution  nmong  us,  deserve  to  be  AT  ONCE  REDUCED  TO  A 
PARALLEL  WITH  THE  BASEST  CRIMINALS  THAT  LIE  FETTERED  WITHIN  THE  CELLS 
OJF  OUR  PUBLIC  PRISONS." 

"  Were  it  possible  that  the  whole  number  (i.  e.,  of  the  clnvoholder.")  conld  be  gathered  together 
and  transferred  into  four  equal  gangs  of  [T7"  licensed   ROBBERS,    RUFFIANS,   THIEVES,   ami 
MURDERERS,  «^Q  society,  we  feel  assured,  would  suffer  less  from  their  atrocities  than  it  doe 
now." 


18 

"So  it  seems  that  the  total  number  of  actual  slave-owner?,  including  their  entire  crew  of  cringing 
lickspittles,  against  whom  we  have  to  contend,  is  but  three  hundred  and  forty-seven  thousand  five 
hundred  and  twenty-five.  Against  this  army  for  the  defence  and  propagation  of  slavery,  WE 
THINK  IT  WILL  BE  AN  EASY  MATTER— independent  of  the  negroes,  who,  in  nine  cases  out  of 
ten,  would  be  delighted  with  an  opportunity  to  CUT  THEIR  MASTERS'  THROATS,  and  without 
accepting  a  single  recruit  from  either  of  the  free  States,  England,  France,  or  Germany — TO  MUS- 
TER ONE  AT  LEAST  THREE  TIMES  AS  LARGE,  AND  FAR  MORE  RESPECTABLE,  FOR 
ITS  UTTER  EXTINCTION.  We  hope  the  matter  in  dispute  may  be  adjusted  without  arraying 
these  armies  against  each  o"ther  in  hostile  attitude. 

"But  we  are  wedded  to  one  purpose,  from  which  no  earthly  power  can  ever  divorce  us. 
WE  ARE  DETERMINED  TO  ABOLISH  SLAVERY  AT  ALL  HAZARDS— IN  DEFIANCE  OF 
ALL  OPPOSITION,  OF  WHATEVER  NATURE,  WHICH  IT  IS  POSSIBLE  FOR  SLAVO- 
GRATS  TO  BRING  AGAINST  US.' '—Page  149. 

"At  once  let  the  good  and  true  men  of  this  country,  the  patriot  sons  of  the  patriot  fathers,  de- 
termine that  the  sun  which  rises  to  celebrate  the  centennial  anniversary  of  our  national  independence 
»}iall  not  set  on  tJie  head  of  any  slave  within  the  limits  of  tltix  republics'1 — Page  278. 

*'  Henceforth,  sirs,  -we  are  demandants,  not  supplicants.  We  demand  mi>-  rights — nothing  more, 
nothing  less.  It  is  for  you  to  decide  whether  we  are  to  have  justice  peaceably  or  BY  VIOLENCE  ;  for, 
wJiatever  consequences  may  follow,  we  are  determined  to  have  it,  ONE  "WAY  on  THE  OTHER." 

If  this  book  had  been  put  forth  without  any  other  indorsement  save  that  of  the  author,  w« 
would  have  regarded  it  as  the  insane  ravings  of  a  madman,  and  would  have  given  it  no  no- 
tice. But  what  was  our  surprise  to  find  the  book  "  CORDIALLY  endorsed"  by  SIXTY-NINE  Re- 
publican members  of  Congress,  and  the  most  energetic  efforts  made  by  the  whole  Republican 
leaders  for  its  distribution!  They  state  in  their  circular  that  they  "have  read  and  critically 
examined  the  work ;  that  no  other  volume  now  before  the  public,  as  we  conceive,  is,  in  all 
respects,  so  well  calculated  to  induce  in  the  minds  of  its  readers  a  decided  and  persistent 
repugnance  to  slavery;"  that  its  "extensive  circulation  would,  we  believe,  be  productive  of 
most  beneficial  results"  and  they  hope  their  friends  '*'  will  assist  us  in  carrying  out  a  plan  we 
have  devised  for  the  gratuitous  distribution  of  ane  hundred  thousand  copies."  To  this  cir- 
cular is  appended  the  names  of  the  following  Black  Republican  members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  last  (35th)  Congress,  to  wit: — 

INDIANA. — Schuyler  Colfax,  Charles  Case,  David  Kilgore,  Jamos  Wilson. 

MASSACHUSETTS. — Anson  Burlingame,  Calvin  C.  Chaffee,  Daniel  W.  Gooch,  Henry  L, 
Dawes,  Timothy  Davis,  C.  L.  Knapp,  Robert  B.  Hall,  J;»mes  Buffington. 

ILLINOIS. — Owen  Lovejoy,  William  Kellogg,  E.  B.  Washburne,  J.  F.  Farnsworth. 

NEW  YORK. — Amos  P'.  Granger,  E.  B.  Morgan,  Wm.  H.  Kelsey,  George  W.  Palmer,  S. 
G.  Andrews,  A.  B.  Olin,  Emory  B.  Pottle,  R.  E.  Fenton,  A.  S.  Murray,  John  M.  Parker, 
Charles  B.  Hoard,  John  Thompson,  J.  W.  Sherman,  0.  B.  Matteson,  Francis  E.  Spinner, 
Silas  M.  Burroughs,  Edward  Dodd. 

PENNSYLVANIA. — Galusha  A.  Grow,  John  Covode,  William  Stewart,  S.  A.  Purviance. 

OHIO. — Joshua  R.  Giddings,  Edward  Wade,  John  Sherman,  J.  A.  Bingham,  Benjamin 
Stanton,  C.  B.  Tornpkins,  Philemon  Bliss,  V.  B  Horton,  Richard  Mott. 

MICHIGAN. — William  A.  Howard,  Henry  Waldron,  De  Witt  C.  Leach. 

VERMONT  —  Justin  S.  Morrill,  II.  E.  Royce,  E.  P.  Walton. 

MAINE. — Israel  Washburne,  Jr.,  F.  H.  "Morse,  John  M.  Wood,  Stephen  C.  Foster,  Charles 
J.  Gil  man. 

WISCONSIN. — Cad.  C.  Washburne,  John  F.  Potter. 

CONNECTICUT. — Sidney  Dean. 

RHODE  ISLAND. — Nathaniel  B.  Durfee,  William  D.  Brayton, 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. — Mason  W.  Tappan,  James  Pike. 

IOWA. — T.  Davis,  Samuel  R.  Curtis. 

NEW  JERSEY. — Isaiah  D.  Clawson,  George  R.  Robbins. 

MISSOURI. — Francis  P.  Blair. 

In  addition  to  this,  we  find  another  circular  similar  to  the  one  above  given,  signed  by 
Horace  Greeley,  editor  of  the  Tribune,  Thurlow  Weed,  editor  of  the  Black  Republican  State 
organ  in  New  York,  James  Kelley,  chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Central  Committee 
of  New  York,  William  C.  Bryant,  editor  of  the  New  York  Evening  Post,  B.  S.  Hedrick, 
John  Jay,  John  A.  Kennedy,  and  ether  leading  Black  Republicans  in  the  State  of  New 
York. 

We  have  thus  shown  that  the  Black  Republican  members  of  the  last  Congress*  indorsed 
the  brutal  and  diabolical  sentiments  of  this  infamous  work.  What  of  the  Black  Republican 
members  of  the  present  (36th)  Congress?  We  answer  that,  for  two  months  they  v.oted  for, 
and  labored  to  elect  to  the  Speaker's  chair,  a  man  who  had  signed  the  circular  indorsing  and 
urging  the  circulation  of  this  book.  Thus,  by  their  ads,  did  they  too  indorse  the  infamous 
doctrines  it  inculcated.  But  we  have,  also,  other  authority  to  fasten  the  charge  upon  them 


19 

— an  authority  which  none  of  them  dare  gainsay — that  of  their  patriarch,  Joshua  R.  Gid- 
dings.  He  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Ashtabula  (Ohio)  Sentinel,  when 
Mr.  Sherman's  name  was  withdrawn  as  the  Republican  candidate  ibr  Speaker: — 

"WASHINGTON  CITY,  Februarys,  1860. 

"To  the  Editor  of  the  Ashtabula  Sentinel  :  Our  friends  at  home  should  be  Flow  to  censure  their 
representatives  for  deserting  Mr.  Sherman."  ....  "  They  felt  the  humiliation .of  discording 
a  candidate  because  ho  had  indorsed  the  doctrines  of  Helper's  book,  EVERY  SENTENCE  OF 
WHICH  FINDS  A  RESPONSE  IN  THE  HEARTS  OF  ALL  TRUE  REPUBLICANS."  .  . 

"J.    R.    QlDDINGS." 

Thus  out  of  their  own  mouths  have  we  proven  that  the  Republican  party  indorses  and 
approves  the  infamous  sentiments  and  the  brutal  and  diabolical  programme  contained  and 
get  forth  in  this  book.  Its  proclaimed  and  undisguised  object  is  the  abolition  of  slavery  at 
the  South  by  force,  which  is  to  be  exercised  by  the  Federal  Government  as  soon  as  the  Re- 
publican party  shall  obtain  possession  of  it,  while  the  Southern  States  are  to  be  forced  to 
manumit  their  slaves,  or  submit  to  a  servile  insurrection.  Such  is  the  bloody  programme  of 
the  Black  Republican  leaders.  Men  of  the  North,  are  you  prepared  for  this?  If  yea,  vote 
for  the  men  who  signed,  indorsed,  and  recommend  it,  whose  candidate  for  the  Presidency  is 
Abraham  Lincoln. 


THE    BLACK    REPUBLICAN   PARTY   ADVOCATING   DISUNION   AND    REVOLUTION  I 

The  Black  Republican  party  is  most  essentially  the  disunion  party  of  this  country.  They 
ndvocate  doctrines  that  must  inevitably  lead  to  a  disruption  of  the  confederacy,  they  are 
the  legitimate  offspring  of  that  party  that,  from  the  foundation  of  this  republic,  have  always 
been  opposed  to  territorial  expansion.  Their  doctrine  was  to  confine  the  Government  to  the 
original  thirteen  States  Failing  in  this,  they  now  seek,  through  the  channel  of  slavery  agi- 
tation, and  violent  abuse  of  the  South,  to  bring  about  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  that 
NORTHERN  CONFEDERACY  for  which  they  have  so  long  and  so  persistently  labored.  Their 
leaders  seek  this  end  by  unconstitutional  assaults  upon  the  South,  by  violent  abuse  of  South- 
ern men,  by  a  system  of  eternal  agitation,  by  "  blockading"  slavery  and'"  crushing"  it  out. 
Some  of  them,  however,  come  out  plainly  and  avow  their  object.  We  propose  to  give  a  few 
instances. 

Governor  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  who  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives in  1856,  by  the  Black  Republicans,  in  a  speech,  delivered  in  Maine,  in  the  preceding 
year,  said : — 

"  Although  I  am  not  one  of  that  class  of  men  who  cry  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union ;  though 
I  am  willing,  in  a  certain  state  of  circumstances.  TO  LET  IT  SLIDE,  I  have  no  fear  for  its  perjetua- 
tion.  But  let  me  say,  if  the  chief  object  of  the  people  of  this  country  be  to  maintain  and  propagate 
chattel  property  in  man — in  other  words,  human  slavery — this  Union  cannot  and  OUGHT  NOT 
TO  STAND." 

Still  later,  in  1850,  in  a  speech  in  Massachusetts,  we  find  Mr.  Banks  turning  prophet,  and 
predicting  a  "  military  dictatorial  government"  in  this  country.  He  had  no  faith  in  the  sta- 
bility of  ''  free  institutions."  He  said  : — 

"I  can  conceive  of  a  time  when  this  Constitution  shall  not  bo  in  existence ;  when  we  shall  have 
an  absolute  military  dictatorial  government,  transmitted  from  age  to  age,  with  men  at  its  head  who 
are  made  rulers  by  military  commission,  or  who  claim  an  hereditary  right  to  govern  those  over 
whom  they  are  placed." 

In  a  sppech  at  a  mass  meeting  in  Maine,  in  1855,  the  same  at  which  Mr.  Banks  spoke, 
Senator  Wade,  of  Ohio,  gave  utterance  to  the  following  treasonable  sentiments : — 

"  There  was  no  freedom  at  the  South  for  either , white  or  black  ;  and  he  would  strive  to  protect  th« 
free  soil  of  the  North  from  the  same  blighting  curse.  There  was  really  NO  U*NION  NOW  BETWEKK 
THE  NORTH  AND  THE  SOUTH:  and  he  believed  no  two  nations  v pan  the  earth  entertained  feeling* 
qf  MOHE  BITTER  RANCOR  towards  each  other  tlutn  these  two  sections  of  the  republic.  The  only  sal- 
vation of  the  Union,  therefore,  was  to  be  found  in  divesting  it  entirely  from  all  taint  of  SLAVERY. 
THERE  WAS  NO  I;NION  WITH  THE  SOUTH.  Let  us  have  a  Union,  OR  LET  us  SWEEP  AWAY  THIS 
REMNANT  WHICH  WE  CALL  A  UNION.  I  go  for  a  Union  where  all  men  are  equal,  OR  FOR  NO  UNIOW 
AT  ALL,  and  I  go  for  right."  / 

And,  as  if  to  mark  their  approval  of  such  doctrines,  the  Black  Republicans  of  Ohio,  the 
very  next  year,  re-elected  this  disunionist  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

His  brother,  the  Hon.  Edward  Wade,  has,  for  a  number  of  years,  occupied  a  seat  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  we  find  him,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the  House,  August  2, 
185(»,  indorsing  the  treasonable  doctrines  of  his  senatorial  brother.  We  quote : — 

"  Sir,  if  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  are  to  be  used  as  instruments  for  propagating  humjw 


20 

bondage,  they  cannot  be  preserved — neither  is  it  DESIRABLE  THAT  THEY  SHOULD.  The  spirit 
which  has  taken  possession  of  the  slaveholders,  and  their  base  tools,  the  Democracy  of  the  free  States, 
is  the  unclean  spirit  of  slavery  propagandis-m  ;  and  just  as  sure  as  animal  life  perishes  in  mephitie 
gases,  so  sure  is  it  that  the  Constitution  and  Union  MUST  PERISH  when  smothered  in  the  foul 
embraces  of  these  allies  of  human  slavery." 

The  Hon.  Sidney  Dean,  of  Connecticut,  is  in  favor  of  dissolving  the  Union,  unless  free- 
dom— that  is,  the  freedom  of  the  black  race — shall  be  inaugurated  in  the  country.  W« 
quote  from  a  speech  of  his  delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  July  28,  1856 : — 

"  The  issue  of  all,  the  reason  of  all,  the  basis  of  all  this  lies  in  the  simple  question,  shall  freedom  or 
slavery  be  the  ruling,  predominant  feature  of  the  model  republic  of  the  world?  That  question  can 
be  answered  but  in  one  way  Freedom,  human,  personal  freedom,  the  fulfilment  of  the  great  senti- 
ment '  that  all  men  are  created  free  and  equal,  and  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  the  inalienable 
rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,'  will  be  the  national  ruling  of  this  country  for 
future  centuries,  or  the  sun  of  its  past  glory  will  set  in  drapery,  CRIMSONED  IN  ITS  OWN  BLOOD, 
ere  it  reaches  a  century  of  its  ',xistc?ice>" 

Now  let  us  hear  from  Judge  Rufus  P.  Spaulding,  a  delegate  from  Ohio  to  the  Black  Re- 
publican national  conventions  of  1856  and  1860.  He  made  a  speech  in  the  convention  of 
1&56,  which  nominated  Fremont,  in  which  he  said : — 

"  In  the  case  of  the  alternatives  being  presented,  of  the  continuance  of  slavery  or  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union,  I  AM  FOR  DISSOLUTION  ;  and  I  care  not  how  q^iick  it  comes.'" 

Hon.  Horace  Mann  was  once  a  member  of  Congress  from  Massachusetts,  and  a  favorite 
elder  in  the  Black  Republican  church.  We  quote  from  his  speech  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives : — 

"I  have  only  to  add,  under  a  full  sense  of  my  responsibility  to  my  country  and  my  God,  I 
deliberately  say,  BETTER  DISUNION,  BETTER  A  SERVILE  WAR,  better  anything  that  God 
in  his  Providence  shall  send,  than  an  extension  of  the  bonds  of  slavery." 

Senator  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  Novem- 
ber 2,  1855,  said: — 

"  Not  that  I  love  the  Union  less,  but  freedom  more,  do  I  now,  in  pleading  this  great  cause,  insist 
that  freedom,  AT  ALL  HAZARDS,  shall  be  preserved.  God  forbid,  that  for  the  sake  of  the  Union,  w« 
fthould  sacrifice  the  very  thing  for  which  the  Union  was  made." 

Still  later,  on  the  19th  and  20th  of  May,  1856,  in  a  speech  delivered  in  the  Senate,  Mr. 
Sumner  held  this  revolutionary  language  : — 

"Already  the  muster  has  begun.  The  strife  is  no  longer  local,  but  national.  Even  now  while  Ippeak, 
portents  hang  on  all  the  arches  of  the  horizon,  threatening  to  darken  the  broad  land,  which  already 
yawns  with  the  mutterings  of  CIVIL  WAR.  The  fury  of  the  propagandists  of  slavery,  and  the  calm 
determination  of  their  opponents,  are  now  diffused  from  the  distant  Territory  over  wide-spread 
communities,  and  the  whole  country  in  all  its  extent — marshalling  hostile  divisions,  and  fore- 
shadowing a  strife,  which,  unless  happily  averted  by  the  triumph  of  freedom,  will  become  WAR — 
FRATRICIDAL,  PARRICIDAL  WAR— with  an  accumulated  wickedness  beyond  the  wickednesi 
of  any  war  in  human  annals." 

Following  in  the  same  strain,  Senator  Seward,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  April  9,  185G, 
jeered  the  South  with  the  taunting  menace  that  she  should  have  no  repose,  but  that  rifles 
ajid  cannons  would  take  the  place  of  words.  Hear  him : — 

"  The  solemnity  of  the  occasion  draws  over  our  heads  that  cloud  of  disunion  which  always  arises 
whenever  the  subject  of  slavery  is  agitated.  Still  the  debate  goes  on  more  ardently,  earnestly,  and 
angrily,  than  ever  before.  It  employs  now  not  merely  logic,  reproach,  menace,  retort,  and  defiance, 
BUT  SABRES,  RIFLES,  AND  CANNON.  Do  you  look  through  this  incipient  war  quite  to  th« 
end,  and  see  there  peace,  quiet,  and  harmony  on  the  subject  of  slavery?  If  so,  pray  enlighten  me, 
and  show  me  how  long  the  way  is  which  leads  to  that  repose.  .  .  .  He  who  found  a  river  in  his 
path,  and  sat  down  to  wait  for  the  flood  to  pass  away,  was  not  more  unwise  than  he  who  expects  th« 
agitation  of  slavery  to  cease,  while  the  love  of  freedom  animates  the  bosoms  of  mankind," 

After  showing  that  this  agitation  will  lead  to  war  between  the  North  and  the  South,  Mr. 
Seward  suggests  to  the  Pacific  States  that  then  would  be  their  time  to  withdraw  from  th» 
Union.  He  continued  : — 

"  Then  the  Free  States  and  Slave  States  of  the  Atlantic,  divided  and  warring  with  each  other, 
would  disgust  the  Free  States  of  the  Pacific,  and  they  would  have  abundant  cause  and  justification 
for  WITHDRAWING  FROM  A  UNION  productive  no  longer  of  peace,  safety,  and  liberty  to  themselves, 
and  no  longer  holding  up  the  cherished  hopes  of  mankind." 

Again,  in  his  speech  at  Albany,  October  12,  1855,  Mr.  Seward  said : — 

*'  Slavery  is  not,  and  can  never  be.  perpetual.  It  will  be  overthrown  either  peacefully  and  law- 
fully under  this  Constitution,  or  it  will  work  the  subversion  of  the  Constitution,  together  with  its 
own  overthrow.  Then  the  SLAVEHOLDERS  WOULD  PERISH  IN  THE  STRUGGLE." 

Again,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  March  11,  1850,  Mr.  Seward  threatens  the  South  with 
"  civil  war,"  unless  they  emancipate  their  slaves.  He  said : — 


21 

"When  this  answer  shall  be  given,  it  will  appear  that  the  question  of  dissolving  the  Union  is  a 
f  omplex  question  ;  that  it  embraces  the  fearful  issue  whether  the  Union  shall  stand,  and  slavery, 
under  the  steady,  peaceful  action  of  moral,  social,  and  political  causes,  be  removed  by  gradual, 
voluntary  eff>rt,  and  with  compensation,  or  whether  the  UNION  SHALL  BE  DISSOLVED,  AND 
»UVIL  WARS  EXSUE,  bringing  un  VIOLENT  HUT  COMPLETE  AND  IMMEDIATE  EMANCIPATION.  We 
ara  now  arrived  at  that  sta^e  when  that  crisis  can  bo  foreseen — when  we  must  foresee  it.  It  i* 
directly  before  us.  Its  shadow  is  upon  us." 

In  plain  words,  Mr.  Seward  says  to  the  South :  You  can  have  union  and  the  gradual 
('mancipation  of  slavery,  or  you  shall  have  disunion,  civil  war,  and  immediate  emancipation  ! 
This,  in  plain  English,  was  "his  proposition. 

W<>  next  quote  from  a  speech  delivered  in  1856,  by  the  Hon.  Francis  E.  Spinner,  a  Repre- 
sentative in  Congress  from  the  State  of  New  York : — 

"  Should  this  [the  election  of  Fremont]  fail,  no  true  man  would  be  any  longer  safe  here  from  th« 
assaults  of  the  arrogant  slave  oligarchy,  who  would  then  rule  with  an  iron  hand.  For  the  free 
North  would  be  left  the  choice  of  a  peaceful  DISSOLUTION  OF  THE  UNION,  A  CIVIL  WAR 
which  would  end  in  the  SAME,  or  an  unconditional  surrender  of  every  principle  held  dear  by 
freemen." 

To  the  same  effect  spoke  that il  bright  and  shining  light"  of  Black  Republicanism,  the  Rer* 
Henry  Ward  Beecher,  in  that  celebrated  speech  of  his  in  New  Haven,  in  1856,  wherein  he 
proclaimed  that  "  Sharpe's  rifle  was  truly  a  moral  agency."  Hear  him  : — 

"The  people  will  not  levy  war,  nor  inaugurate  a  revolution  even  to  relieve  Kansas,  until  they 
have  first  tried  what  they  can  do  by  voting.  If  this  peaceful  remedy  should  fail  to  be  applied  this 
Tear,  then  the  people  will  count  the  cost  wisely,  and  decide  for  themselves  boldly  and  firmly  which 
\3  the  better  way,  TO  RISE  IN  ARMS  AND  THROW  OFF  A  GOVERNMENT  wont  tfian  that 
qf  old  King  Georg?.,  or  endure  it  another  four  years,  and  then  vote  again." 

In  the  s<vn3  spiecli  Mr.  Bjecher  thus  d3nounceJ  th.3  Cotutitation  and  the  Union: — 

"  The  Constitution  is  the  cause  of  every  division  which  this  vexed  question  of  slavery  has  ever 
occasioned  in  this  country.  It  has  been  the  fountain  and  father  of  our  troubles,  by  attempting  to 
hold  together,  as  reconciled,  two  opposing  principles,  which  will  not  harmonize,  nor  agree.  Th» 
only  hope  of  the  slave  is  over  the  ruins  of  the  Government  and  of  the  American  Chmth.  TH« 
DISSOLUTION  OP  THE  UNION  is  the  abolition  of  slavery." 

General  James  Watson  Webb,  the  editor  of  that  leading  Black  Republican  Sheet,  the 
"  New  York  Courier  and  Enquirer,"  was  a  delegate  to  the  convention  that  nominated 
Fremont,  in  1856,  and  Lincoln,  in  1860.  In  the  former  convention  he  made  a  speech, 
which  was  loudly  applauded,  but  no  sentence  received  more  boisterous  applause  than  the 
following : — 

"Our  people — loving  order,  loving  law,  and  willing  to  abide  by  the  ballot-box — come  together 
from  all  fiarts  of  the  Union  and  ask  us  to  give  them  a  nomination  which,  when  fairly  put  before  th« 
peoople,  will  unite  public  sentiment,  and  through  the  ballot-box  will  restrain  and  repel  this  pro- 
ilavrey  extension,  and  this  aggression  of  the  slaveocraey.  What  else  are  they  doing?  They  tell 
YOU  they  are  willing  to  abide  by  the  ballot-box,  and  willing  to  make  that  last  appeal.  If  we  fail 
thsK-f,  what  then?  WE  WILL  DRIVE  IT  BACK,  SWORD  IN  HAND,  and,  so  help  me  God,  believing 
th-it  to  bft  right,  I  am  with  them.  [Loud  cheers,  and  cries  of  'Good!']  Northern  gentlemen,  on 
your  action  depends  the  result.  You  may,  with  God's  blessing,  present  to  this  country  a  name, 
rallying  around  it  all  the  elements  of  the  opposition,  and  thus  we  will  become  so  strong  that,  through 
the  ballot-box,  we  shall  save  the  country.  But,  if  a  name  be  presented  on  which  we  may  not  rally, 
and  tlic  consequence  is  CIVIL  WAR — nothing  more,  nothing  less,  but  civil  war — /  ask  then,  what 
is  our  first  duty  ?" 

In  the  same  strain  spoke  the  Hon.  Erastus  Hopkins,  another  member  of  the  convention. 
He  said  : — 

"If  peaceful  means  fail  us,  and  we  are  driven  to  the  last  extremity,  when  ballots  are  useless,  th#* 
iix  will  make  BULLETS  EFFECTIVE." 

Hon.  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  was  also  a  delegate  to  the  convention,  and 
addressed  it  in  a  long  speech,  in  which  he  said : — 

"  lie  congratulated  the  convention  upon  the  spirit  of  unanimity  with  which  it  had  dom>  its  work. 
/  believe  (said  he)  thai  this  is  not  so  mttr-h  a  convention  to  change  the  administration  of  the  Govern- 
ment, AS  TO  SAT  WHETHER  THRRB  SHALL  BE  ANT  GOVERNMENT  TO  BE  ADMINISTERED.  You 

h-ave  assembled,  not  to  s-iy  u'hether  this  Union  sliall  be  preserved,  but  to  say  whether  it  sliall  be  a 
Massing  or  a  scorn  ami  hissing  among  the  nations." 

As  this  gentleman  is  one  of  the  main  pillars  in  the  Black  Republican  edifice,  and  has 
been  twice  elected  by  them  to  the  United  States  Senate,  we  have  examined  his  record  prettj 
closely,  as  developed  in  his  speeches  in  the  Senate.  On  the  31st  of  May,  1848,  he  said : — 

"  Let  the  consequences  be  what  they  may,  I  am  willing  to  place  myself  upon  the  great  principla 
of  human  right;  to  stand  where  the  Word  of  God  and  my  own  conscience  concur  in  placing  me,  and 
there  bid  defiance  to  all  consequences.  And  in  the  end,  if  this  Union,  bound  as  it  is  to  the  heartg 


22 

of  the  people  by  so  many  endeai'ing  associations,  has  no  other  principle  of  cement  than  the  blood  of 
human  slavery,  LET  IT  SUNDER." 

Again,  on  the  12th  of  July,  ho  said: — 

"  All  the  horrors  of  dissolution  I  can  look  steadfastly  in  the  face,  before  I  could  look  to  that  moral 
rnin  which  must  fall  upon  us  when  we  have  so  far  prostituted  ourselves  as  to  become  the  picneeri 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories." 

From  another  speech  of  Mr.  Hale,  delivered  in  the  Senate,  February  26,  1856,  we  extract 
the  following  blood-and-thunder  morsel : — 

"  I  thank  God  that  the  indications  of  the  present  day  seem  to  promise  that  the  North  have  at  last 
got  to  the  wall,  and  will  go  no  further.  I  hope  so.  The  Senator  says  there  may  be  a  power  that 
shall  say,  '  Thus  far  shalt  thou  go,  and  no  further.'  Good  !  Good  !  Sir,  I  hope,  it  will  come ;  and 
if  it  comes  to  blood,  LET  BLOOD  COME.  No,  sir,  if  that  issue  must  come,  LET  IT  COMK,  and  it 
cannot  come  TOO  SOON.  .  .  .  Sir,  Puritan  blood  has  not  always  shrank  from  even  those  encounters; 
and  when  the  war  has  been  proclaimed  with  the  knife,  and  the  knife  to  the  hilt,  THE  STEEL  HAS 
SOMETIMES  GLISTENED  IN  THEIR  HANDS;  and  when  the  battle  was  over,  they  were  not  alwayi 
second  best." 

In  the  same  vein  do  we  find  Mr.  Carl  Shurz,  a  delegate  from  Wisconsin  to  the  Chicago 
Convention  that  nominated  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  now  the  most  active  Black  Republican  stumper 
jn  the  Northwest,  speaking  in  St.  Louis,  only  a  few  days  ago : — 

"  May  the  God  in  human  nature  be  aroused  and  pierce  the  very  soul  of  our  nation  with  an  energy 
tfiat  s/i/j/l  sweep,  as  with  tlie  besom  of  destruction,  this  abomination  of  slavery' from  the  land. 

"You  call  this  revolution.     It  is.     In  this  we  need  revolution ;  we  mitst,  we  will  have  it! 

"LET  IT  COME!" 

Now  hear  Horace  Greely  thunder  forth  his  revolutionary  advice  to  the  Black  Republicans 
in  Congress,  when  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  was  pending  : — 

"We  urge,  therefore,  unbending  determination  on  the  part  of  the  Northern  members  hostile  to 
this  intolerable  outrage,  and  demand  of  them,  in  behalf  of  peace,  in  behalf  of  freedom,  in  behalf  of 
justice  and  humanity,  resistance  to  the  last.  Better  that  cofusion  should  ensue — better  that  discord 
shoud  reign  in  the  national  councils — BETTER  THAT  CONGRESS  SHOULD  BREAK  UP  IH  WILD 
DISCORD — nay  better  t/tat  the  Capitol  itself  should  blaze  by  the  torch  of  the  incendiary,  OR  FALL 
AND  BURY  ITS  INMATES  BENEATH  ITS  CRUMBLING  RUINS,  than  that  this  perfidy  and  wrong  shall 
be  finally  accomplished." 

Among  the  documents  published  in  1856,  and  circulated  by  the  Republican  National 
Committee  as  a  campaign  document,  we  find  a  sermon  preached  by  the  Rev.  Edmund  H. 
Sears,  at  Waylaud,  Massachusetts,  June  15,  1856  (it  will  be  recollected  that  the  clergy  were 
very  active  for  Fremont),  from  which  we  quote  : — 

"  Out  of  the  present  crisis  there  are  two  paths  that  open  before  us,  and  only  two.  One  is  through 
violence  and  revolution.  When  the  public  organism  has  become  possessed  with  the  spirit  of  evil, 
and  is  used  chiefly  for  its  work,  the  last  remedy  is  to  BREAK  IT  IN  PIECES,  and  let  right  and  justice 
go  free.  REVOLUTION  is  GOD'S  REMEDY."  » 

The  Rev.  Henry  W.  Bellows,  of  New  York,  is  another  political  parson,  who,  at  every 
election,  throws  off  his  clerical  robes  and  takes  the  stump  for  the  Black  Republicans.  He 
delivered  a  political  sermon  in  1856,  which  the  Biack  Republican  National  Committee 
adopted  and  circulated  as  a  Republican  document.  We  quote  from  it : — 

"  Considered  as  a  question  of  policy,  it  is  by  no  means  certain,  that  the  dissolution  of  the  Union 
would  be  a  political  evil  to  us.  The  Union  is  great,  precious,  sacred  !  but — yes  !  we  must  say  it ! — 
humanity,  duty,  honor,  religion,  are  GREATER  THAN  THE  UNION.  This,  then,  is  the  unyielding 
ground  of  the  Republican  party — th$re  is  no  evil  possible  to  the  country  at  this  crisis  as  great  as  the 
extension  of  slavery.  Dreadful  as  disunion  is,  the  extension  of  slavery  is  still  more  dreadful.  The 
dissolution  of  the  Union,  however  deplorable,  is  not  primarily  a.  question  of  conscience,  but  of  policy. 
We  made  the  Union,  and  we  hvve  a  right  to  unmake  it  if  we  cJiuose.^ 

Hear  another  political  parson  and  Black  Republican  stumper,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Kirk,  of 
Boston: — 

"  The  doctrine  that  a  negro  is  not  a  man,  and  the  doctrine  that  a  negro  is  a  man*,  have  now  come 
to  the  death  struggle,  and  the  nation  will  heave  with  every  convulsive  struggle  of  the  contest. 
Neither  will  yield  until  a  continent  has  been  swept  with  the  deluge  of  CIVIL  AVAR." 

James  S.  Pike,  the  reguiar  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  and  of  course  a 
most  ardent  Republican,  thus  pithily  expressed  his  belief: — 

"I  have  no  doubt  that  the  free  and  slave  States  ought  to  separate.  THE  UNION  is  NOT  WORTH 
SUPPORTING  in  connection  with  the  South." 

Take  another  gem  from  the  speech  of  ex-Lieutenant  Governor  Ford,  of  Ohio,  the  Black 
Republican  printer  of  the  House  of  Representatives  : — 

"  I  love  the  Union,  but  the  time  has  come  when,  we  must  declare  we  love  freedom  BETTER  THAN 
THE  UNION." 


23 

We  now  come  to  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  who,  in  a  letter  to  Hon.  Ralph  Plumb,  dated  May  4, 
1859,  was  in  iavor  of  overthrowing  the  Government  in  case  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio 
would  not  take  out  of  the  custody  of  the  United  States,  a  band  of  Black  Republicans  who 
had  forcibly  taken  some  fugitive  slaves  out  of  the  possession  of  the  marshal  and  his  deputies. 
Hear  him  : — 

"  I  have  great  confidence  in  the  judges  composing  that  court.  But  should  they  prove  unequal  to 
the  occasion,  the  case  will  then  be  taken  to  that  highest  of  earthly  tribunals,  the  source  of  all  politi- 
cal power.  The  people  finding  this  Government  to  have  become  'destructive  of  the  lives,  the 
Liberties,  and  the  huppiness  of  its  citizens,  will  ALTKU  on  ABOLISH  IT,  and  organize  its  powers  in 
guch  form  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  t6  effect  their  SAFETV  AXD  HAPPINESS.' 

"  This  duty,  so  solemnly  enjoined  upon  us  by  the  founders  of  our  Government,  in  that  immortal 
Aarter  of  American  liberty  to  which,  for  almost  a  century,  we  have  been  accustomed  to  look  for  in- 
•truction  and  direction  in  regard  to  our  rights,  WILL  XOT  BE  NEGLECTED." 

"  Acts  speak  louder  than  words,"  says  the  old  proverb.  Let  us  see,  then,  how  their  "  acts" 
tally  with  their  words.  On  the  1st  of  February,  1850,  Senator  Hale  presented  two  peti- 
tions from  Isaac  Jeffries  and  other  citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  and  John  T.  Woodward  and 
others,  praying  that  "  some  plan  might  be  devised  for  the  dissolution  of  the  American, 
Union.'1''  Mr.  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  was  unsparing  in  his  denunciation  of  the  peti- 
tions, and  suggested  that  there  should  have  been  a  preamble  to  them  in  these  words  : — 

"Gentlemen,  members  of  Congress,  whereas,  ftt  the  commencement  of  the  session  you  and  each  of 
you  took  your  solemn  oaths,  in  the  presence  6f  God,  and  on  the  Holy  Evangelists,  that  you  would 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States — now,  therefore,  we  pray  you  to  take  immediate  step* 
to  break  up  the  Union,  and  overthrow  the  Constitution  as  soon  as  you  can." 

Yet  it  received  three  votes,  and  only  three,  being  the  votes  of  every  Black  Republican 
Senator  then  in  the  Senate,  to  wit:  John  P.  Hale  of  New  Hampshire,  William  H.  Seward 
of  New  York,  and  Salmon  P.  Chase  of  Ohio.  See  Senate  Journal,  1st  session,  31st 
.Congress,  page  121). 

On  the  25th  of  February,  the  same  petitions  were  offered  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
by  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  where  it  received  eight  votes,  being  the  Abolition  vote  in  that  body, 
to  wit :  Charles  Allen  of  Massachusetts,  Charles  Durkee  of  Wisconsin,  now  one  of  the 
Black  Republican  United  States  Senators  from  that  State,  Joshua  R.  Giddings  of  Ohio, 
Rufus  K.  Goodenow  of  Maine,  George  W.  Julian  of  Indiana,  now  the  Black  Republican 
candidate  for  Coijgress  in  the  fifth  congressional  district  of  that  State,  Preston  King  of 


and  llamlin. 

Who,  after  this,  will  be  so  fool-hardy  as  to  deny  that  the  Republican  party  is  the  disunion 
party  of  this  country  ?  It  is  to  this  end  they  have  for  years  been  schooling  and  inciting  the 
public  mind  of  the  "North.  It  is  to  this  end  they  have  been  fomenting  strifes,  stirring  up 
discord,  erecting  an  "  irrepressible  conflict,"  between  the  people  of  both  sections.  It  is  to 
this  end  they  have  been  inflaming  the  southern  people  with  their  villainous  abuse  and  vitu- 
peration, so  that  their  crimination  might  lead  to  recrimination,  and  bitterness  and  hatred 
befexchanged  for  fraternal  regard  and  affection.  It  is  to  this  end  they  have  been  inciting 
the  negroes  of  the  South  to  insurrection  and  rebellion,  so  as  to  keep  the  southern  people  in 
n  state  of  irritation  and  alarm.  It  is  to  this  end  they  sent  John  Brown  to  Harper's  Ferry, 
to  murder  defenceless  men  and  women.  It  is  to  this  end  they  got  up  their  "  sympathy" 
meetings,  and  sought  to  deify  this  cold-blooded  murderer  and  traitor.  The  man  must  be 
blind  indeed,  who  does  not  see,  in  all  these  movements,  the  bloody  and  brutal  programme 
of  disunion,  civil  war,  and  servile  insurrection. 

Oh,  let  us  turn  from  this  dark  picture,  and  drink  the  words  of  patriotism  and  warning 
that  issue  from  Mount  Vernon's  sacred  tomb.  Here  is  the  duty  enjoined  upon  every  lever 
of  his  country  by  the  matchless  Washington  : — 

"  To  properly  estimate  the  immense  value  of  your  National  Union,  to  your  collective  and  indi- 
Tidual  happiness,  you  should  cherish  a  cordial,  habitual,  and  immovable  attachment  to  it,  accus- 
toming yourself  to  think  and  to  think  and  to  speak  of  it  as  a  palladium  of  your  political  safety  and 
prosperity  ;  watching  for  its  preservation  with  zealous  anxiety  ;  discountenancing  whatever  may 
suggest  even  a  suspicion  that  it  can,  in  any  event,  be  abandoued  ;  and  indignantly  frowning  upon 
the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country  from  the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble 
the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together  the  various  parts." 


24 


CONCLUSION. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  we  have  made  no  quotations  from  that  still  more  ultra  and 
extreme  portion  of  the  Republican  party  led  by  \Vm.  Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips, 
Abby  Foster,  Gerrit  Smith,  Redpath  &  Co.,  who  have  the  merit  of  being  more  out-spoken, 
bold,  and  violent  in  their  assaults  upon  the  Constitution  and  ^the  Union  ;  for  the  reason  that, 
though  voting  with  that  party,  yet  some  of  the  Republican  leaders  in  some  of  the  States, 
such  as  Indiana,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  Jersey,  where  Black  Republicanism  is  of  slow 
growth,  affect  to  deny  their  authority  to  speak  for  the  Republican  party.  So,  in  these 
papers,  we  have  confined  ourselves  strictly  to  quotations  from  the  representative  men — the 
admitted  leaders — the  endorsed  and  everywhere  acknowledged  founders,  creators,  and 
nurses,  advocates,  and  chief  supporters  of  the  Republican  party — the  men  who  made  this 
party,  whose  talents  sustain,  whose  counsels  direct,  whose  acts  control  it.  No  man  can 
gainsay  their  authority  to  speak  for  it,  for  they  themselves  constitute  the  party.  We  have 
made  fair  and  honest  quotations  from  their  speeches  and  letters.  And  now  look  upon  the 
record.  What  docs  it  all  mean  ?  The  dissolution  of  the  American  Union,  the  emancipa- 
tion of  the  Southern  slaves,  and  the  reduction  of  the  Southern  States  and  Southern  men 
into  the  abject  position  of  colonies  and  vassals.  This  is  the  "  bloody  goal''  at  which  Black 
Republicanism  strives.  And  what  is  the  lesson  this  brutal  programme  ought  to  instil  into 
the  hearts  of  conservative  men  of  the  North  ?  We  unhesitatingly  answer,  UNION  FOR  THE 
SAKE  OF  THE  UNION.  When  bad  men  combine,  good  men  ought  to  unite  ;  and  when  th« 
bloody  banner  of  fanaticism  is  unfurled  to  the  breeze,  and  when  treason,  grown  auda- 
cious and  defiant,  no  longer  skulks  in  secret,  but  with  shameless  front  proclaims  its  prin- 
ciples and  objects  to  the  world,  it  is  high  time  for  the  friends  of  law  and  order  at  the  North 
to  rally  around  the  Constitution,  and  to  raise  aloft  the  flag  of  the  Union,  while  yet  we  have 
a  Constitution,  a  Union,  and  a  Hag,  and  before  these  Black  Republican  revolutionists  suc- 
ceed in  inaugurating  a  reign  of  terror  like  the  carnage  of  St.  Domingo,  and  before  the  Re- 
public of  North  America,  rent  into  fragments,  has  become  a  thing  of  the  past,  a  fact  only 
in  the  page  of  history.  There  is  but  one  political  organization  in. this  country  that  has  the 
power  to  resist  and  roll  back  the  waves  of  fanaticism.  That  organization  is  the  National 
Democratic  party.  Firmly  planted  in  the  hearts  of  the  American  people,  descended  from 
the  purer  and  better  days  of  this  Republic,  contemporary  with  Washington,  and  Jefferson, 
aiid  Jackson,  it  stands  forth  to-day,  as  it  has  ever  stood  the  champion  of  the  Constitution 
and  the  Union.  It  has  en-countered  arid  overthrown  the  Black  Republican  disunion  party 
upon  one  battle-field.  Let  the  conservative  men  of  the  country  now  rally  to  its  standard, 
and  it  will  again  meet,  overthrow,  and  vanquish  this  dangerous  enemy  to  the  Republic,  and 
give  peace  and  security  to  the  Union. 


WASHINGTON: 

ISSUED  BY  THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE, 


McGiLL  &  WITHBROW,  Printers. 


IGAYLORD  BROS'.  i«e. 

Syracuse,  N.  Y. 
Stockton,  Calif. 


